LCCC ENGLISH
DAILY NEWS BULLETIN
October 01/07
Bible Reading of the day
Holy Gospel of Jesus Christ according to Saint Luke 16,19-31. There was a
rich man who dressed in purple garments and fine linen and dined sumptuously
each day. And lying at his door was a poor man named Lazarus, covered with
sores, who would gladly have eaten his fill of the scraps that fell from the
rich man's table. Dogs even used to come and lick his sores. When the poor man
died, he was carried away by angels to the bosom of Abraham. The rich man also
died and was buried, and from the netherworld, where he was in torment, he
raised his eyes and saw Abraham far off and Lazarus at his side. And he cried
out, 'Father Abraham, have pity on me. Send Lazarus to dip the tip of his finger
in water and cool my tongue, for I am suffering torment in these flames.'
Abraham replied, 'My child, remember that you received what was good during your
lifetime while Lazarus likewise received what was bad; but now he is comforted
here, whereas you are tormented. Moreover, between us and you a great chasm is
established to prevent anyone from crossing who might wish to go from our side
to yours or from your side to ours.' He said, 'Then I beg you, father, send him
to my father's house, for I have five brothers, so that he may warn them, lest
they too come to this place of torment.' But Abraham replied, 'They have Moses
and the prophets. Let them listen to them.' He said, 'Oh no, father Abraham, but
if someone from the dead goes to them, they will repent.' Then Abraham said, 'If
they will not listen to Moses and the prophets, neither will they be persuaded
if someone should rise from the dead.'"
Opinions
What if Lebanon fails to elect a new president?By:
Dr. Salim Nazzal. September 30/07
Tensions grow between Lebanon's Shia and Sunnis.
By: Mohamas Bazzi. September 30/07
Sectarian Colonies.By: Moustafa Zein.Dar Al-Hayat. September 30/07
Minority Alliances in the Middle East.
By:Carlos Edde.Dar
Al-Hayat. SDeptember 30/07
Fault Line on Jihad: Why the Omeish Reaction is Important.By: Jeffrey Imm.
September 30/07
Canada worse than Mexico for U.S. border
security. By
Judi McLeod.CFP.September 30/07
Latest News Reports From
Miscellaneous Sources for September 30/07
Jumblat Urges World to
Secure Presidential Election-Naharnet
Hariri: An Era of Imposing a President - Gone-Naharnet
Feltman: U.S. Never
Involved in Naming Presidential Candidates-Naharnet
Nahr al-Bared Defeat Forced Radical Groups to
Go Underground.Naharnet
Jumblatt: Wanted a president that has color, taste & smell
Analysis -
The Fires in Iran
Pro-Syrian
militias reorganizing in Lebanon
Godfather
of terror assassinated in Syria
Will Saudi Women Ever Drive?By:
MEMRI
Poll: U.S. Should Take Tougher Line With Iran.By:
Fox New
Ahmadinejad's Holocaust Myths.By:
Alan M. Dershowitz
Preparations Underway For Hariri-Aoun Meeting.Naharnet
Arabs, France urge dialogue to end Lebanon stalemate
Lebanon encouraged to elect president
Syria says Israeli air raid aimed at justifying
attack.AFP
Israel
hails end of British academics' boycott threat.AFP
Israel fears PA taking tougher stance prior to
summit.Ha'aretz
UN human rights chief: We failed in handling
Israel-PA conflict.Ha'aretz
Fanatic Muslim
Family
Day.By:
Joe Kaufman
Jumblatt:
Wanted a president that has color, taste & smell
Sunday, 30 September, 2007 @ 9:46 AM
Beirut- In a speech addressed to students that graduated in Aley mountain resort
region, Jumblatt said he wanted a Lebanese national president who is independent
and doesn't sit in Baabda palace waiting for instructions. His speech was read
by Anwar Dao, Managing Director of the cooperative of government employees .
" He added: "We want an individually strong and free president as per Bkirki
specifications and refuse to have a weak president that derives his power from
the outside . we want a president that represents the aspirations of the people
of Lebanon in freedom, sovereignty and independence. We reject any president
that objects to and undermines the aspirations of the Lebanese people. We want a
president that is colored freedom, tastes sovereignty & smells independence and
reject any president that has no color, taste or smell. and reject President
Ducker Underdog Almstque and others. We want a president Division in the hopes
of freedom, sovereignty and independence, and reject the President which
addresses these hopes, and seeks to thwart and miscarriage. We want the
President to color and taste of freedom his practices sovereignty and
independence, and reject the president who does not color has no taste or smell.
"
We want the President who can solve our economic and social, living, educational
and other problems, and reject President that adds to these problems. We want a
President, who will be able to sponsor the youth and contributes to their
ambitions and aspirations, and reject the President, who sits idle as the
country is drained of its youth who are leaving their country out of desperation
to build other countries instead of their own. We want an active president that
works hard at making sure his people smile and reject a president that smiles
while his people are suffering . This country is now bleeding the young and
qualified to God's vast country , bleeding the innocents citizens , the free
deputies and the brave soldiers . Its economy and the standard of living of its
people are also bleeding.
Lebanon will no longer be the divided country , but the country of unity and
harmony , the country of liberty, democracy and justice, a country of diversity
and respect for others .
Jumblat Urges World to Secure
Presidential Election
Druze leader Walid Jumblat called on Sunday for the international community's
help to counter what he said were Syrian attempts to prevent the election of a
new president in the country. Jumblat made the appeal in a letter addressed to
leaders of the United States, Saudi Arabia, Russia, France, China, Egypt,
Britain, Spain, Italy, Germany, the European Union, United Nations and Arab
League. "More than ever before, the Lebanese people are in dire need for the
protection of the international community, governments and parties," said the
letter. "We are certain that you will continue to back our efforts to reach
freedom by guaranteeing the election of a new president," Jumblat said. He again
accused Syria of carrying out the September 12 bomb attack that killed
anti-Syrian deputy Antoine Ghanem.
Ghanem was the eighth anti-Syrian politician to be assassinated since the
February 2005 murder former Prime Minister Rafik Hariri.
Syria has denied involvement in any of the attacks. "This is another aggression
to obstruct Lebanon's road to independence and sovereignty and a failed attempt
by the Syrian regime to prevent the election of a new president," Jumblat said.
On Thursday the 15-member U.N. Security Council called for a free and fair
presidential election in Lebanon without foreign interference.
But House Speaker Nabih Berri, a leading figure in the opposition which is
supported by Syria and Iran, slammed the U.N. as "meddling", adding that the
election was "the business of the Lebanese people." The opposition accuses the
parliamentary majority of attempting to internationalize the Lebanese question.
Last Tuesday, parliament adjourned until October 23 a session to elect a new
president for lack of a quorum, amid deadlock between the Prime Minister Fouad
Saniora and the opposition. But fears are running high that the impasse over the
presidency could lead to two rival governments, a grim reminder of the final
years of the 1975-1990 civil war when two competing administrations battled it
out for control.(AFP-Naharnet) Beirut, 30 Sep 07, 12:25
Hariri: An Era of Imposing a
President – Gone
Al Mustaqbal Movement leader Saad Hariri said at an Iftar dinner after meeting
House Speaker Nabih Berri as part of continuous efforts to reach a consensus
Presidential candidate, that the era of imposing a new head of state is over.
The daily An Nahar said Sunday that Berri briefed Hariri on the outcome of the
meetings held separately by the speaker's envoys and Lebanese political leaders,
the latest of which was with Druze leader Walid Jumblat on Saturday.
Hariri, in turn, notified Berri of the details of his talks with Maronite
Patriarch Nasrallah Sfeir, Prime Minister Fouad Saniora and Lebanese Forces
leaders Samir Geagea. f n the details of the talks he had held with Maronite
Patriarch Nasrallah Sfeir, Prime Minister Fouad Saniora and Lebanese Forces
leaders Samir Geagea.
"I'm sure these rounds of talks will, God willing, produce a new President" for
Lebanon, Hariri told an Iftar dinner in honor of families of the northern Akkar
province.
"Gone with the era of imposing presidents on Lebanon," Hariri stressed. "The era
of free, independent and national decision shall start … the era of pure and
only Made in Parliament Lebanese presidents." Hariri on Saturday also met with
Iranian ambassador to Lebanon Mohammed Riza Shibani. Shibani said after the
meeting that the "atmosphere was very positive" and hoped the various Lebanese
parties would "cooperate" to help end the deep political crisis that has gripped
Lebanon since November. Beirut, 30 Sep 07, 07:33
Feltman: U.S. Never Involved
in Naming Presidential Candidates
U.S. Ambassador to Lebanon Jeffrey Feltman stressed that Washington "has never
been involved in naming presidential candidates, and will never be."
He said the U.S. welcomes "what appears to be consensus" among Lebanon's warring
political parties over presidential elections.
"I took into consideration the call made a few weeks ago by Speaker Nabih Berri
for dialogue, also the call by March 14 Forces and the call made by Gen. Michel
Aoun this week for dialogue," Feltman said after meeting MP Saad Hariri on
Saturday. He said the United States was confident that Lebanese would agree on a
president. Beirut, 30 Sep 07, 10:11
Nahr al-Bared Defeat Forced Radical Groups to Go Underground
Fatah al-Islam's crushing defeat a month ago after a bloody showdown with the
Lebanese army has forced other Sunni radical groups to go further underground,
experts say. The support of Islamist groups for Fatah al-Islam has been fading
since the September 2 fall of Nahr al-Bared refugee camp in northern Lebanon
after 15 weeks of fierce battles with the army that cost around 400 lives. Omar
Bakri, an Islamist preacher barred from Britain for his radical views, said
Fatah al-Islam could not count on other Sunni groups, even those with similar
radical ideologies such as Osbat al-Ansar which is based in a refugee camp in
southern Lebanon. "I don't think Fatah al-Islam and Osbat al-Ansar have any
relationship whatsoever, because it is in time of need that you see who your
friend is," Bakri said.
"And nobody has offered support to them, a lot of people even joined together to
condemn Fatah al-Islam," he said. Bakri is a Lebanese of Syrian origin who
infamously praised the al-Qaida hijackers who carried out the September 11, 2001
attacks in the United States as the "Magnificent 19."
He headed the radical Al-Muhajiroun group in London until 2004. He was declared
an undesirable by London and deported, and has since lived in the northern port
city of Tripoli where he runs a bookshop and religious centre.
Bernard Rougier, a French expert on Islamists in Lebanon, said that Osbat al-Ansar
"hides its Jihadist (holy war) agenda, while they continue to operate in Iraq."
Osbat al-Ansar did not want to jeopardize what he called underground operations
for the recruitment and export of young Islamists from Lebanon.
Bakri said that Fatah al-Islam, suspected of seeking to establish an Islamic
emirate in northern Lebanon, had unwillingly engaged in the armed confrontation
with the Lebanese army. "They had no ideological objective. It was a reaction to
what they saw as the aggression against them and they believed they had the
right to react by attacking the Lebanese army," he told AFP. The battle between
the army and Fatah al-Islam broke out after government troops raided a militant
hideout in Tripoli on May 20 following a bank robbery in north Lebanon.
The same day, Fatah al-Islam responded with a killing spree against troops --
many of them off-duty servicemen -- in a move that prompted the military to
launch an offensive that crushed the group's bastion in Nahr al-Bared. An expert
on Islamist affairs who did not wish to be identified said "the security forces
took the initiative (to attack Fatah al-Islam) after realizing that the group
had become dangerous. "They were more than 1,000 militants," said the expert.
"Without the battle, they would have been 2,000 or 3,000 today." Bakri said that
Lebanon's Sunni radical groups had already been keeping a low profile since the
army crushed Islamists in the northern region of Donniyeh in 2000. "The lessons
of Donniyeh and Fatah al-Islam will send a signal to the Sunnis: don't embark on
any adventure because it will be a deadly one and no one is going to support
you, even Sunnis will stand against you," he said. "Lebanon is not the right
place, not a safe haven for any project. It's a safe haven to live and enjoy
living, to listen to Islamic hymns if you are Islamist, or to (pop stars) Nancy
Ajram and Haifa Wehbeh if you are secular." Beirut, 30 Sep 07, 09:08
Pro-Syrian militias reorganizing in Lebanon
Saturday, 29 September, 2007 @ 11:06 PM
Beirut - After years of inactivity, militias are forming up again as tensions
mount in Beirut to Lebanon.
Officials said a handful of militias have been revived amid the confrontation
between the government of Prime Minister Fouad Siniora and the Iranian-sponsored
Hezbollah. They said Lebanese Christian and Druze politicians have reorganized
militias for personal protection as well as to preserve communal rights from
encroachment by Hezbollah and pro-Syrian factions.
"There is no question about it that political leaders are preparing for a
breakdown in law and order," an official said.
So far, most of the newly-revived militias have been identified as being aligned
with Syria. They included the Free Patriotic Movement, led by former Lebanese
President Michel Aoun and linked to Hezbollah and Damascus. The Lebanese media
have reported that several militias sent their fighters to six-day training
courses by Hezbollah. Aoun's forces were said to receive two-day courses from
former Lebanese Army officers. "These weapons exist and are for self-defense and
not to be used to carry out military operations," Aoun said.
Two other pro-Syrian factions, led by former ministers Zaher Khatib and Wiam
Wahab, were also undergoing military training, officials said. The training has
been provided by Hezbollah in the Bekaa Valley near the Syrian border and Jbeil
in southern Lebanon.
A key concern was that militia violence would rage within the Christian sector.
In 1989, during the final months of Aoun's presidency, the Lebanese Army and
Lebanese Forces battled in Beirut, which led to the Syrian destruction of his
regime.
[Ret.] Gen. Elias Hanna said he envisioned the outbreak of civil war over
efforts to elect a new president. Hanna cited the coalition led by Lebanese
parliamentarian Saad Harari — known as the March 14 forces — and opposed by
Hezbollah and pro-Syrian groups.
"The March 14 forces will elect a new president and the opposition's response
will be civil disobedience at the very least," Hanna said. "This uprising
against the president could lead to a military clash." So far, the militia
training has been limited to light arms maneuvers. But officials did not rule
out the procurement of rockets, anti-tank missiles and other heavy weapons. "In
1975, you had the Palestinians and you did not have a major armed Lebanese force
like Hezbollah," Hanna told the Beirut-based Daily Star. "Today there is deep
U.S. involvement and there are international resolutions. You have Shi'ites
aligned with Maronites and Sunnis aligned with Maronites. Now it would be a very
different civil war."
Opposition leaders said Hezbollah has played a major role in the militia
revival. They said Hezbollah has provided AK-47 assault rifles and was
organizing units of pro-Syrian fighters.
The Siniora government has acknowledged renewed militia activity. On Sept. 24,
the government held a seven-hour meeting on the renewed threat of civil war.
"Political differences between the various political factions is normal,"
Lebanese Information Minister Ghazi Aridi said. "But resorting to weapons and
the logic of force and threats of confrontation and war is rejected by all."
Sources: World Tribune
Sectarian Colonies
Moustafa Zein Al Hayat - 29/09/07//
We no longer need to say that the presidents of the Lebanese Republic are chosen
by the outside, whether Arab or international, before they are chosen by the
Lebanese people. Starting with Charles Debbas, the first president during the
mandate era, to Emile Lahoud during the era of the Syrian tutelage, spanning
Beshara Khoury, Camil Chamoun, Fouad Chehab and Charles Helou, etc…these were
all chosen by the outside in agreement with the inside. To be more accurate,
they were chosen by pressuring the inside, sometimes politically, or by
threatening to support this or that sect and flare up a civil war. This is how
the democratic game took its course, which the Lebanese and Arabs were and still
are proud of.
Some examples: Elias Sarkis was elected as a result of a US-Syrian-Arab accord.
Bashir Gemayel was elected, as reported by his close entourage, once he reached
out to the Muslims inside through the Arabs whom he also reached via Washington.
His election crowned the triumph of this bloc in the civil war. However, he was
assassinated before stepping into the Palace.
The inside and outside rallied to elect his brother Amin. However, Amin was not
able to rule for several reasons, most importantly because he clinged to
Bashir's choices and was empowered by the Americans against Syria and its
Lebanese allies, not to mention the resistance's rage against the Israeli
occupation.
Shall we continue?
There are many other examples: Michel Aoun, who took over the rule from Gemayel,
was not able to stay in the Presidential Palace. In addition to the rift within
the army during Amin's mandate, the Muslims did not consent to having him
president, though temporarily, and a government headed by Salim Hoss went
aboard. Lebanon thus had two governments, until the Syrians were able to evict
him from the Palace and allow him to seek refuge in the French embassy, and then
in Paris, where he was fended off the political arena.
Elias el Hrawi was elected President, and the constitution was amended to extend
his mandate according to a Syrian-American-Arab accord.
Emile Lahoud was also elected in line with this accord, before the Arabs split
into moderate and radical, and Shiite Crescent and Sunnite Quarter.
The present regime crisis in Lebanon was triggered, in its initial stage, when
Bush broke away from the approach of the former US administrations and waged the
war on all those who do not back him up. He preferred to spread democracy and
freedom forcefully and with creative chaos, instead of preserving stability
(Bush drew back from this strategy when his forces drowned in the Iraqi
quagmire, and because he needed allies to evade this disaster and terminate his
wars in the Middle East). The crisis was set off, of course, when Iran, the new
strong player in Lebanon, was labeled as vile, and following the disavowal of
the agreement with Syria.
In light of this strategic US transformation, and the French bias towards
Washington's choices for Lebanon, the UN resolution 1559 was drafted. It
stipulates that the Syrian forces should withdraw from Lebanon and the Lebanese
should be given the opportunity to "freely" choose their President. It also
stipulates the disarmament of the militias, not extending the mandate of Lahoud,
and disarming Hezbollah. The extension and the subsequent assassination of
Hariri were simply the spark seized by some to turn against their Syrian ally
and raise the French flag… all the way to the "Cedar Revolution" that
corroborated the rift between the Lebanese people. A retaliation of thirty years
of Syrian "tutelage" was set off by a political class that raised the flags of
Damascus and benefited from the presence of its forces and from establishing a
regime built against the backdrop of its Arab and international policies.
In a nutshell, if we take into consideration the abovementioned presidential
stages, any upcoming president of Lebanon will only be elected with an Arab and
international consensus on his persona and political approach. As for the
constitutional discretion, and the election according to the two third of the
quorum or 50 plus one, these are merely democratic luxury, awaiting the green
light from the outside. They are simply sectarian attempts to get the biggest
share, political or non-political, of the rule.
Lebanon is made of sectarian colonies, where each colony is guarded by one or
more countries
PSP MPS
Wouldn't Vote for a non-March 14 presidential candidate
MP Wael Abu Faour stressed Friday that reaching consensus with the opposition on
a presidential candidate is "almost impossible" stressing that the Progressive
Socialist Party of which he is member will vote only for a March 14 candidate.
Abu Faour made the statement to reporters after meeting Maronite Patriarch
Nasrallah Sfeir in his capacity as PSP leader Walid Jumblat's envoy. "The PSP
would no accept a president from outside the frame of the March 14 ranks," Abu
Faour said.
He stressed that the March 14 alliance is "proud" to support the candidacy of
Nassib Lahoud, Butros Harb and "others" to the presidency.
"We would not be part of any settlement. We will vote only for March 14
candidates," He said "Consensus between two (colliding) political lines is very
difficult and almost impossible. A frank and open political discussion could
lead to a political understanding. But consensus on a name … cannot solve the
crisis." He explained.
The PSP, Abu Faour said, "is not blocking any settlement. It wants a settlement
based on political options and consensus on political targets and not just a
review of names.""We do not foresee a horizon for a settlement due to
restrictions imposed by regional powers and because the March 8 side is linked
to such regional restrictions at the expense of domestic understanding and
internal Lebanese interests," Abou Faour concluded. Beirut, 28 Sep 07, 17:34
What if
Lebanon fails to elect a new president?
Sunday, 30 September, 2007
By: Dr. Salim Nazzal*
Beirut - Whoever you speak with in Lebanon these days, whether they belong to
the optimistic group who believes in an upcoming political compromise regarding
the future president or the pessimistic bloc,
their vision is likely to be a black and white picture of the future awaiting
the 10, 425-square kilometer republic. The Lebanese politicians, however, are
aware that, while agreeing on a president will certainly not solve all the
problems, it will save the country from chaos and pave the road towards resuming
the national dialogue among the Lebanese parties.
This concern is largely reflected in the Lebanese media, whose columns are full
of analytical articles which, though not without ideological bias, seek to cast
light on the various aspects of the Lebanese crisis. The greatest attention,
though, is focused on the principal question of the moment, which everyone is
eager to know the answer to: what if Lebanon fails to elect a new president? The
next session of the Lebanese parliament, as we know, will be held in three weeks
time and is expected to be the last chance for the conflicting Lebanese parties
to agree on a candidate trusted by both alliances. Most political analysts
predict that the most probable scenario would be that the country will rapidly
move towards chaos if the parliament fails to agree on a compromise regarding
the future president, which raises serious concerns that this could threaten the
foundation of the Lebanese state. A quick look at the present alternatives would
confirm that the increasing sense of pessimism is not without reason.
The 14th of March Alliance has made it clear that it will elect a president by
the half plus one parliamentary voting system should the two parties fail to
reach a political compromise, a proposal completely rejected by the opposition
on the grounds that such a move goes against the constitution which demands a
two-thirds parliamentary vote. This explains why much of the current debate is
focused on foreseeing the consequences of this step in light of the expected
response of the opposition to it.
According to most Lebanese political analysts, the opposition has two cards to
play in response to such a possible forced election. The first would be for the
president to appoint a transition government headed by the army commander to run
the country until the election of a new president. The major obstacle to such a
move, however, would be the Lebanese Army commander's own position, given that
he does not seem to be interested in leading a government which he knows very
well would exacerbate the existing divisions. This begs the question: who would
accept the leadership of such a government, knowing beforehand that it would
lead to more divisions? Another potential problem it highlights is the army
general's capability to preserve the unity of the army if things developed
towards a worst-case scenario. The second possibility is that the opposition
elects its own president, which would result in Lebanon's being simultaneously
ruled by two presidents and consequently two governments and two parliaments, a
situation which everybody realizes would lead the country towards more
divisions.
Even compared with the past when Lebanon was embroiled in civil war, some
believe that the present situation is more complicated because at least during
the civil war, all legal institutions including the presidency continued to
operate. A nightmare which many don't even wish to contemplate would be to
repeat the bitter experience of the two government state, as happened during the
last days of President Amin Al-Gemayel's term, when he appointed General Aoun to
head a military government which conflicted with the government of Salim Al-Hoss.
The battle of Nahr Al-Bared with the fundamentalists of Fatah Al-Islam and the
seemingly increasing spread of fundamentalism in Lebanon and the region is yet
another warning that should alert the Lebanese politicians to the fact that the
chaos won’t be contained as in previous conflicts. It is noteworthy to emphasize
that the continuation of the crisis is pushing the enlightened middle classes to
leave the country and forcing more sectors of Lebanese society towards poverty
and frustration in a region full of conflicts, where the militant religious
discourse is in one of its stronger phases. All of this will, sooner or later,
lead to the weakening of the already-scattered liberal and democratic forces,
which will turn Lebanon into a perfect breeding ground for extremism and
fanatics. If one draws a diagram to understand the socio-political conditions
which provided the fundamental groups with the right atmosphere to grow, one
will find that chaos, poverty and divisions are the best social carriers for the
growth of this phenomenon.
This is obvious from Afghanistan, Iraq and Somalia which, like Lebanon, contain
various levels of tribal and religious conflicting powers and civil strife, fed
and encouraged by the presence of the imperial power as in the Iraqi case, with
this combination ultimately leading to these nations becoming strongholds of
Al-Qaeda and Al-Qaeda-like fundamentalism. This situation will be different to
the past when the internal conflicts in Lebanon were fought within the Lebanese
political fault lines, and so were ultimately capable of being controlled. The
new situation could lead to instability that would inevitably make Lebanon a
bastion for Al-Qaeda or for various forms of local Qaeda’s, which would make
Lebanon the second major base for Al-Qaeda in the Middle East. If we add to this
the impact of the current Iraqi culture of violence and also to the wider Middle
East conflict, which is gradually changing from the shape of a national struggle
against the apartheid state of Israel to a form of religious conflict, we will
understand that this atmosphere would be an important factor in feeding
religious extremism.
It seems, however, that there are still some signs of hope in Lebanon, one of
which recently appeared in the form of Parliamentary speaker Nabih Berri's
initiative towards a political compromise, a step welcomed by the influential
Maronite patriarch, Cardinal Sfeir, and met with varying degrees of acceptance
by the 14th of March Alliance. Even though the assassination of the MP Antoine
Ghanem was a setback to the political efforts made following Berri's initiative,
it seems that the more time passes, the more it is hoped that fear of the
unknown will unite the Lebanese towards finding a solution before the country
slides towards the heart of darkness, which would, in the view of many, mark the
end of the Lebanese state as a formula of coexistence between various faiths.
The question is: will the Lebanese politicians overcome their inter-party
conflicts to realize that the very basis of the Lebanese state is under threat
this time and understand that, if the 1975 civil conflict took 15 years to
resolve, this conflict, if unresolved, will probably lead Lebanon to forms of
Afghanization ,Iraqization and Somalization? It is difficult to answer this
question, but it is certain that the wisdom and the political maturity of the
Lebanese politicians are undergoing a major test right now.
*Dr. Salim Nazzal is a Palestinian-Norwegian historian in the Middle East, who
has written extensively on social and political issues in the region.
Sources: amin.org
Tensions
grow between Lebanon's Shia and Sunnis
BY MOHAMAD BAZZI
mohamad.bazzi@newsday.com
September 30, 2007
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page view Reprints Reader feedback Text size: BEIRUT, Lebanon - One morning in
January, about 100 Sunni men stood outside a Beirut pharmacy, clutching wooden
clubs and metal chains. Many of them were wearing blue headbands, the color of
the U.S.- -- and Saudi-backed Future Movement. They were stopping the few cars
coming into the area, looking for "strangers" -- a code word for Shias.
That day, Jan. 23, Hezbollah and its allies had organized a nationwide strike as
part of their campaign to topple the U.S.-backed Lebanese government. Before
dawn, the Shia group dispatched young men, some wearing ski masks, to close
roads by burning tires and cars. Hezbollah's Christian allies, especially the
Free Patriotic Movement led by Maronite politician and former army commander
Michel Aoun, also took to the streets in Christian areas. Three people were
killed and dozens wounded in clashes throughout the country before the strike
was called off that night.
As soon as Hezbollah bused its supporters into Sunni areas of Beirut to close
roads and force people to stay home, local Sunnis took to the streets. They saw
it as an invasion by Hezbollah. "The Shias are occupying our area," said Bahi
Amneh, 19, a finance student among those standing outside the pharmacy. "It's
our duty to free it. They came here from the southern suburbs to force everyone
into a strike. It's our duty to make them leave. If they don't, we will attack
them."
Near the intersection where some of Amneh's friends had set up a makeshift
checkpoint, two men from the Future Movement sat in a black SUV with tinted
windows, talking into walkie-talkies and directing their men. About 500 yards
away, a group of Hezbollah supporters had closed Beirut's main seaside boulevard
and milled around a burnt car in the middle of the street. They, too, had men
with walkie-talkies directing them.
"You know, it's just unfair. We want to live in peace. But every time we try,
Hezbollah makes trouble," Amneh said bitterly. "Hezbollah has its own country
within Lebanon. They have weapons. They don't respect the laws." A few minutes
later, shots rang out, and the two groups began throwing chunks of cinder blocks
at each other as Lebanese soldiers rushed to separate them.
New sectarian fractures
Aside from Iraq, Lebanon is the other Middle Eastern country where the most
severe Sunni-Shia tensions are playing out. With the war in the summer of 2006
and the continuing sit-in against the Lebanese government, Lebanon's Shia --
through Hezbollah -- are flexing their political muscle in a way they haven't
done since the country's 15-year civil war ended in 1990.
The Shia ascendance in Lebanon has created a new set of sectarian fractures in
the country's delicate balance. Unlike the civil war, when the main conflict was
between Muslims and Christians, the recent violence has been fueled by Sunni-Shia
divisions. The Lebanese predicament is also an extension of the continuing proxy
war in the region -- pitting Iran and Syria (which support Hezbollah) against
the United States, Saudi Arabia and other Sunni Arab regimes (which support the
Lebanese government).
Fearing the sectarian bloodbath in Iraq and Iran's growing regional influence,
Lebanese Sunnis feel besieged, and they're lashing out at Shias. As they
confronted Hezbollah supporters during the January strike, some groups of Sunnis
waved posters of Saddam Hussein. It was a contradiction that embodied the
current state of the Middle East: U.S.-allied Sunnis carrying posters of
Hussein, a dictator the United States spent billions of dollars and lost
hundreds of lives to unseat.
"Why are Shias the only ones allowed to have weapons?" asked Ahmed Nasouli, 21,
an engineering student and one of Amneh's friends. "Why aren't Sunnis allowed?"
Hezbollah's leader, Sayyid Hassan Nasrallah, has repeatedly vowed that his group
would never use its weapons against fellow Lebanese. But Sunnis are worried
that, left unchecked, the militia will be tempted to take power by force.
On the day of the strike, average Sunnis who were not affiliated with any
political party went out into the streets to challenge Hezbollah supporters.
"This area is 100 percent Sunni," said Maher Amneh, 32, Bahi's cousin and a
clothing store owner, who wore a wool cap and carried a metal pipe. "We all know
each other. So if we see anyone strange, it means he doesn't belong here."
"So there are no Shias in this area?" he was asked.
"No. And everyone knows that," he replied. (Amneh and his friends were standing
opposite a restaurant owned by a Shia family from southern Lebanon.)
"So what you would do if you saw a stranger?"
"We would ask him, 'What are you doing here, now, at this time?'" he said. "And
if he doesn't give us an answer, it means he's coming from them , and he wants
to take a look -- to count us."
How did things deteriorate to this point, where Lebanese Sunnis and Shias are
increasingly afraid of each other?
Hezbollah wasn't disarmed
At the end of the civil war, all militias were disarmed and Syrian troops were
tasked with keeping security in Lebanon under the Saudi-brokered Taif Accord.
But Hezbollah was allowed to keep its weapons as a "national resistance" against
the Israeli occupation of southern Lebanon, which ended in 2000. After the
February 2005 assassination of former Prime Minister Rafik Hariri -- Lebanon's
most prominent Sunni leader -- international pressure and mass demonstrations
forced Syria to withdraw its troops from Lebanon. The Bush administration then
began pressuring the government of Prime Minister Fuad Saniora, which took
office after elections in June 2005, to disarm Hezbollah.
The latest crisis erupted in July 2006, when Hezbollah abducted two Israeli
soldiers in a cross-border raid. That set off a 34-day war with Israel. After
the war, Hezbollah began accusing Saniora's government of being a U.S. puppet
and demanded more seats in the 24-member cabinet. When talks to form a national
unity government failed in November, six ministers representing Hezbollah and
its allies resigned. Saniora's ruling coalition -- of Sunni, Christian and Druze
parties -- accused Hezbollah of walking out of the cabinet to block a United
Nations investigation into Hariri's murder, which has been widely blamed on
Syria.
When Hezbollah and its allies began an open-ended protest in downtown Beirut on
Dec. 1, setting up hundreds of tents outside the main government palace,
relations between Sunnis and Shias deteriorated quickly. Then came Saddam
Hussein's execution on Dec. 30. Sunnis view the United States and the Shia-dominated
Iraqi government as killing off the last vestiges of Arab nationalism by
executing Hussein. In the Sunni view, America and its allies eradicated the idea
of a glorious Arab past without offering any replacement for it, other than
sectarianism.
"The Saddam execution and Hezbollah's drive for political power are making
Sunnis very nervous about Shia actions," said Amal Saad-Ghorayeb, an expert on
the Shia and a visiting scholar at the Carnegie Middle East Center in Beirut.
"Sunnis support Hezbollah wholeheartedly when it comes to resistance against
Israel. But when it comes to political power, that changes the equation, and
Hezbollah is seen as a threat when it directs its power inside Lebanon."
Biggest sectarian group
Because Shias are a plurality in Lebanon -- making up about 40 percent of a
total population of 4 million -- and because they are more powerful militarily
and politically than in many other countries, Sunni-Shia tensions are more
pronounced in Lebanon. On Jan. 25, two days after the nationwide strike, rioting
erupted around a university, killing four people, injuring dozens and forcing
the army to impose a curfew in Beirut for the first time in 10 years. Lebanon
teetered on the edge of another civil war.
Since then, sectarian tensions had eased slightly -- until the assassination of
Walid Eido, a Sunni member of parliament from the Future Movement. Eido's
killing further inflamed the hatred between Sunnis and Shias. During Eido's
funeral procession on June 14, hundreds of supporters carried the blue flags of
the Future Movement.
"The blood of Sunnis is boiling," a crowd of young men shouted as they marched
behind Eido's coffin. "Terrorist, terrorist, Hezbollah is a terrorist group."
Quranic verses warbled from the minarets of every mosque along the route, mixing
with loudspeakers that blared out: "Today is the funeral for a new martyr killed
at the hands of Bashar Assad" -- the Syrian president. Other mourners insulted
Hezbollah's revered leader, chanting, "Nasrallah is the enemy of God."
After last summer's war, members of Saniora's coalition quickly demanded that
Hezbollah disarm, as required by the UN cease-fire resolution. Many Shias, who
viewed Hezbollah as their protector during the war, felt threatened by these
demands, which drove them even closer to the militia.
"Some government leaders started demanding that Hezbollah give up its weapons,
without leaving any time for the wounds to heal," said Wassef Awada, an editor
at As-Safir, a Beirut newspaper. "Many Shias felt like their identity was under
attack after the war. They became more attached to Hezbollah because they view
this as a battle for their existence."
Copyright © 2007, Newsday Inc.
Fault Line on Jihad: Why the Omeish Reaction is Important
By Jeffrey Imm
On September 28, the Investigative Project on Terrorism's (IPT) Lorenzo Vidino
was on FOX news addressing IPT's release of videos regarding Muslim American
Society (MAS) president Esam Omeish showing his documented support of Jihad. The
interview points out once again the problems with the America government failing
to clearly identity the enemy and failing to have a clearly defined policy on
Jihad and on political Islamism. Moreover, we need to agree on the definition of
"Jihad" and not be misled by apologists, as pointed out by Walid Phares.
America has to come to grips with the question: "What does it mean for Islamists
to call for Jihad?" While for IPT and many others, myself included, the answer
to this is obvious, without a clear American policy on Jihad, the ambivalence on
Jihad will continue to undermine American national security efforts, where the
FBI defines its "fight" against terrorists, but cannot address the ideological
issues. The reaction of the Washington Post, Alan Colmes, and others to Omeish's
resignation once again highlights this massive fault line in American national
security.
Last month, Virginia Governor Kaine appointed MAS president Esam Omeish to a
Virginia state immigration commission. After the release of the IPT videos of
Omeish's comments on Jihad, on September 28, Esam Omeish resigned from the
commission, telling the Washington Post that IPT conducted a "smear campaign".
On September 29, the Washington Post has a follow-up article on this subject,
where it quotes Omeish as stating that in his previous speeches where he called
for "the Jihad way", that he meant Jihad as a broad term meaning "struggle".
In a video showing a December 2000 Washington DC area Jerusalem Day rally,
Omeish clearly supports Jihad for Palestinians stating "you have learned the
way, that you have known that the jihad way is the way to liberate your land."
(The complete video is here). Moreover, as IPT reports, Omeish "congratulates
Palestinians for giving up their lives for the sake of Allah in another video."
Yet Governor Kaine, the Washington Post, and FOX News Commentator Alan Colmes
seem determined to defend Esam Omeish's views. It is as important to ask why
they defend Omeish's views, as it is to reveal research on individuals like
Omeish, because America continues to face an ongoing problem with its lack of a
policy on Jihad and political Islamism, as previously addressed.
The Washington Post publishes without questioning that Esam Omeish's call for
"the Jihad way" at rallies in the Washington DC area are nothing more than a
call for "struggle" as Omeish says in the September 29 Washington Post.
Moreover, the Washington Post provides character references for Omeish, such as
well-known Stalinist Brian Becker of A.N.S.W.E.R. organization (and Communist
Worker's World Party). The Washington Post report quotes Stalinist Becker on the
IPT revelations of Omeish's call for "the Jihad way" in DC rallies as stating:
'we were stunned and shocked that a small group of right-wing anti-Muslim bigots
would launch a campaign' against him."
In the September 28 interview of IPT's Lorenzo Vidino, FOX News' Alan Colmes
challenges IPT's criticism of Omeish for calling for "the Jihad way". Alan
Colmes asks Lorenzo Vidino "isn't this conservative political correctness? lets
say he's got radical views, whats wrong with having a commission.. we have all
kinds of views, even extreme views.. on a commission." When Lorenzo Vidino
replies that Omeish endorsed Jihad in Palestine at the peak of October 2000
intifada, Alan Colmes replies: "is it possible to see his point of view that he
feels that the Palestinians have been the victims of violence and he is
countering that?" and asks "is he truly a threat to the United States?" It is
also enlightening to see comments to the IPT YouTube posting of this interview
condemning IPT's research as "propaganda" and saying to IPT that "their day will
come".
Here once again, the fault line in American national security regarding Jihad
and political Islamism can be seen in stark relief. There is no national hue and
cry against Alan Colmes for criticizing IPT's reporting that someone called for
"the Jihad way" in a Washington DC rally is nothing more than mere "conservative
political correctness", because there is no agreed upon policy on Jihad, on
political Islam, and on the war and identity of the enemy that we are fighting
today.
In the debate over details, logistics, and tactics, it is vital that such
massive national security strategic fault lines are not ignored. This is just
another warning sign.
Sources:
September 28, 2007 - Omeish Says He's the Victim of a Smear -- The Investigative
Project
September 29, 2007 - Washington Post - Va. Muslim Activist Denies Urging
Violence
September 28, 2007 - Washington Post (cached) - Omeish Says He's 'Victim of
Smear Campaign'
Video Excerpt - Esam Omeish at Jerusalem Day Rally - IPT
Video Esam Omeish, Jerusalem Day Rally, 12-22-2000, Full Speech -- IPT
Video - Esam Omeish in front of the Israeli Embassy
September 18, 2007 - IPT News: Introducing the Muslim American Society
October 29, 2002 - LA Weekly News - Behind the Placards
July 18, 2007 -- Family Security Matters: Preventing the West from Understanding
Jihad -- Walid Phares
September 17, 2007 - 9/11 and the Inconvenient Truths about Jihad and Islamism -
Jeffrey Imm
September 29, 2007 - The New York Post: FBI's three-front war on terrorists
September 14, 2007 - The Washington Times - Inside The Ring, page 2 - "No war on
ideas" - FBI testimony reported
September 29, 2007