LCCC NEWS BULLETIN
JUNE 26/2006
Below News From miscellaneous
sources for 26/06/06
Hezbollah, al-Qaida mirror Islamic split-Seattle
Post Intelligencer
US blames Iran and Hezbollah for 'Mess-opotamia'Lebanese
Lobby
Wary of US, Syria and Iran Strengthen Ties-New
York Times
A closer look at tribal politics in Lebanon-Ya Libnan
Syria Poses Conditions for Dialogue With Beirut-AINA
Bomb found at Hariri-owned TV in Beirut-Independent Online
Lebanon Condemns UN for Ignoring Israeli Spy Networ-Arutz Sheva
Lahoud: France behind snub-Gulf Times
US Eyes Venezuela-Iran Commercial Alliance-Los Angeles Times
Relations tighten between Syria and Iran-Washington
Times
Swedish journalist arrested in Syria-The Local - Sweden
Relations Tighten Between Syria And Iran-Post Chronicle
Cold shoulder for periphery-Ynetnews - Israel
International Terrorism News-Newsweek
Letter: Don't rewrite history-MetroWest Daily News
Nasser Al-Kharafi gets honorary Ph.D; AUB honours Kuwaiti-Arab Times
Aoun Unleashes Tirade against Government, Violating 'Pact of Honor -Naharnet
Exiled leader of Muslim Brotherhood in Syria ready to hold peace-Al-Bawaba
Opposition leader says Syria arrests show fear-Alarab online
Brotherhood jailed in Syria-Independent Online
Bomb found at Hariri-owned TV in Beirut
June 24 2006 at 02:00PM
Beirut - A bomb was found early Saturday near the building of Future television,
owned by the family of assassinated former prime minister Rafiq Hariri, the
channel's editor-in-chief said.
"A small bomb in a plastic bag was found at dawn in front of the main gate of
the television building" in central Beirut, Imad Assi told AFP."Explosives
experts from the internal security forces were sent to the site, and later on
military experts took the bomb away," he said, without describing it. Assi
recalled that Future television's news headquarters, in the seafront
neighbourhood of Rausheh, had been targeted by two rockets in 2003. The
television's management later issued a statement linking the incident to "the
series of explosions that Lebanon has witnessed since the start of the terrorist
attacks, with the October 2004 attempt on minister Marwan Hamadeh and the
assassination of prime minister Rafiq Hariri" on February 14, 2005. "This
incident is a political-security message addressed to the (Future) institution,
freedom of the press and democracy in Lebanon at a time the country is trying to
establish political, economic and security stability.
"The management of Future television... will continue its battle for Lebanon's
sovereignty, independence and freedom," it added. Hariri was killed in a massive
Beirut car bomb attack widely blamed on Syrian officials and their Lebanese
allies - a claim denied by Damascus. Since that murder and subsequent attacks on
anti-Syrian figures, security measures have been beefed up at public
institutions, media organisations, foreign diplomatic representations and the
homes of leading politicians across the country. - Sapa-AFP
Syria Poses Conditions for Dialogue With Beirut
6-25-2006 6:7:41 -Damascus (AsiaNews) --- Syria has listed the conditions
necessary to take up talks on relations with Lebanon, which have deteriorated
since 2004 when pressure from Damascus forced the extension of the mandate of
Lebanon's filo-Syrian President Emile Lahoud.
In a press conference yesterday, the Syrian Information Minister Mohsin Bilal,
said that first "we have to wait until internal Lebanese dialogue is concluded"
(started in Beirut in March and going on intermittently since). He told a
delegation of Lebanese journalists, including the AsiaNews correspondent: "When
you have finished your meetings, you will be welcome in Syria". Bilal emphasized
the availability of his government to start sincere dialogue, without mediation,
between the two countries before dealing with practical issues. "Don't expect
Syria to ask anyone to mediate between us and Lebanon," he warned, underlining
the importance of existing agreements "which must be respected." This was a
response to calls by the anti-Syrian coalition in Lebanon, which is demanding a
review of all agreements Lebanon signed with Syria in the past.
The minister clearly said Damascus will receive anyone who wants to go to Syria,
"on condition they don't pass through Washington or Paris." Lebanon has asked
for a meeting with Syrian officials, but Damascus has been reluctant to invite
Prime Minister Fuad Siniora for talks. In a wider context, the reference here is
to international pressure exerted by the United States, France and Great
Britain, which have promoted a series of UN resolutions regarding Lebanon. The
most unpalatable for Damascus is Resolution 1559 of the Security Council that
calls on Syria to end its interference in Lebanese affairs, to define its
borders and to establish diplomatic ties with Beirut. Bilal called on the French
government "to play its historic role", distancing itself from the USA, which is
only following "its self-interest" in the region.
Today, the Syrian press reported government sources saying that yesterday's
meeting between the Syrian President, Bashar Assad and his Egyptian counterpart,
Hosni Mubarak, mediator in the Lebanese-Syrian conflict, "did not yield any
positive outcome". Damascus even took the opportunity to reiterate that "for the
moment, the issues of the border and diplomatic ties will be not discussed."
Already at the beginning of the week, the Syrian Foreign Affairs Minister Walid
Muallem had said that "this is not the right time to establish diplomatic ties"
between Syria and Lebanon. However the Lebanese MP, Saad Hariri was more
optimistic. Yesterday, in Paris, where he met President Chirac, the son of the
ex-Premier Rafic Hariri, killed last year, said diplomatic ties with Syria "are
possible".
By Jihad Hissa-© 2006, Assyrian International News Agency. All Rights Reserved.
Aoun Unleashes Tirade
against Government, Violating 'Pact of Honor'
Naharnet: Gen. Michel Aoun has described the current
government as a "militia" controlled by a parliamentary majority that will cease
to exist before the next presidential elections in September 2007.
Aoun, who heads Parliament's Reform and Change Bloc, unleashed a fiery diatribe
against Prime Minister Fouad Saniora's government and MP Saad Hariri, son and
political heir of slain ex-Prime Minister Rafik Hariri.
Aoun addressed his constituency at the Conference Center in Dbayeh, miles away
from his native Haret Hreik in beirut's southern suburb. He accused Saniora and
Hariri of "hopping from one foreign capital to another in search of a new
master. Instead of having one master in Damascus, now we have 20 or 30," Aoun
said, according to An Nahar. "Such actions do not create a homeland."
Eyeing the presidency of the republic since his return in spring 2005, from a
15-year exile in France, Aoun has shifted his alliance, dropping opposition to
President Lahoud's extended mandate and the latter's backer – Syria.
Aoun said the opposition, which is largely Sunni Muslim, "is seeking to
undermine the presidential post. It wants a rubber-stamp clerk who would sign on
to its good and bad choices."
Alluding to his alliance with Hizbullah, despite deeply rooted disputes in the
past, Aoun said only the foreign powers feel uneasy about the Lebanese coming
together. "We cannot change alliances or break up each time a foreign diplomatic
mission feels uncomfortable." Hizbullah and Aoun's bloc are facing off a 72-seat
majority in the 128-member house. But as far as Aoun is concerned, this will
soon fade. "The majority of today will not be tomorrow's majority; and the
minority of today will not be tomorrow's minority," he said, predicting the
downfall of the anti-Syria, anti-Lahoud alliance before the next presidential
elections in September 2006. Beirut, 25 Jun 06, 10:35
Hezbollah, al-Qaida mirror Islamic split
By DONNA ABU-NASR- ASSOCIATED PRESS WRITER
BEIRUT, Lebanon -- To the outside world, the two groups appear to have much in
common: Devoutly Muslim, fiercely hostile to Israel and the U.S., and high on
Washington's list of terrorist groups.
Yet al-Qaida in Iraq and Lebanon's Hezbollah are waging a worsening verbal
dispute that threatens to burst into confrontation.
First came a fiery diatribe from al-Qaida in Iraq leader Abu Musab al-Zarqawi -
just a week before he was killed by a U.S. airstrike - accusing Hezbollah of
acting as a protective buffer for Israel.
Hezbollah, generally reserved in its comments on internal Islamic issues, began
to react: One of its main political figures told The Associated Press it wasn't
his group at all but al-Zarqawi that was the "tool" of United States and Israel.
The accusations on their face could be seen as little but competing propaganda.
But the animosity runs far deeper than these two radical groups. There is a
growing divide in the Middle East between Sunni Muslim extremists, including al-Zarqawi's
group, and Shiite Muslim militants personified by Hezbollah.
Many see the emerging tensions as a dangerous trend that could lead to violent
Shiite-Sunni conflict not just in Iraq but around the Persian Gulf.
What's unknown yet is whether al-Zarqawi's death could help ease the tensions.
But the omens are grim: The man who al-Qaida says is al-Zarqawi's successor has
already vowed to complete what his predecessor began, including a brutal
campaign against Shiites aimed at sparking a civil war in Iraq.
Shiite and Sunni tensions have existed in the Middle East for centuries.
The two branches of Islam live uneasily side by side in some countries, such as
Lebanon, or in Iraq under Saddam Hussein. Other countries have a strong majority
of one or the other that dominates, such as strongly Sunni Saudi Arabia whose
Shiite minority is mostly politically repressed.
Al-Zarqawi brought all of that to a boil, because of "his personal hatred of
Iraq's Shiite population," said Richard Evans, terrorism editor at Jane's
Information Group in London.
His goal was to create a Sunni Muslim religious-based government in Iraq, and he
believed "that could only be achieved with the defeat of any Shiite-led Iraqi
government," Evans said. Thus, he tried to kill Shiites in Iraq, which is now
ruled by a Shiite-led government. Al-Zarqawi also may have worried that
Hezbollah was too popular among Arab Sunnis - that it was his rival for Sunnis'
affections across the region - because of its fight against Israel.
Hezbollah has wide political support among Arabs because it spearheaded the
guerrilla warfare against Israel's 18-year occupation of a buffer zone in
southern Lebanon, which ended with an Israeli withdrawal in 2000.
In his last audiotape, al-Zarqawi accused Hezbollah of having "serious ties"
with the Jewish state.
"The party has raised false banners regarding the liberation of Palestine, while
in fact it stands guard against Sunnis who want to cross the border" into Israel
to launch attacks, he said.
Hezbollah publicly has remained quiet on the issue, apparently so as not to
inflame feelings. But its officials, when reached by AP, were quick to react.
Hezbollah's political bureau member in charge of international relations, Nawaf
al-Mussawi, accused al-Zarqawi of being a U.S.-Israeli tool against Arab
resistance groups.
"His criminal acts are aimed at igniting civil wars and inciting sectarian
fighting," al-Mussawi said. "We will not permit the United States, Israel or its
tools to kindle any kind of conflict in Lebanon - between Christians and Muslims
or between Shiites and Sunnis."Al-Qaida leader Osama bin Laden himself has never
attacked Hezbollah and has always presented himself as trying to eliminate
strife among Muslims, Evans said. Indeed, al-Zarqawi's attacks on Shiite
civilians in Iraq have been a point of conflict between his group and bin Laden.
Bin Laden has refrained from attacking Shiites despite the fact that his
fundamentalist Sunni strain, called Wahhabi or sometimes called Salafist - like
al-Zarqawi's - also considers Shiites as heretics.
"He (bin Laden) may, as an austere Salafist, have no particular love for Shiites
or Hezbollah. But I'm not aware that he's ever singled them out for specific
criticism," Evans said. With al-Zarqawi himself gone and despite the vow to
carry on his work, Ibrahim Bayram, a Lebanese journalist who follows Hezbollah,
said he did not expect the dispute to escalate.
"Hezbollah is very sensitive about getting involved in a sectarian quarrel,"
said Bayram, who writes for the Lebanese An-Nahar daily. "It's very keen on
keeping its image pure where the Sunnis are concerned because of its relations
with Sunni groups, like the Palestinian ones." Hezbollah has close ties to
several other Sunni militant groups, including the Palestinian Hamas and Islamic
Jihad, which it has provided with financial support and, allegedly, military
training.
US blames Iran and Hezbollah for 'Mess-opotamia'
Jun 23, 2006
The United States accused Iran on Thursday of being the prime instigator of
unrest in Iraq adding that Tehran trains and arms violent Shiite groups. "Since
January, we have seen an upsurge in their support, particularly to the Shia
extremist groups," General George Casey, the US commander in Iraq, told
reporters at the Pentagon.
"We are quite confident that the Iranians, through their covert special
operations forces, are providing weapons, IED technology and training to Shia
extremist groups in Iraq. The training is being conducted in Iran and in some
cases probably in Lebanon through their surrogates," he said.
"They are using surrogates to conduct terrorist operations in Iraq both against
us and against the Iraqi people," he said at a joint press conference with
Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld.
Improvised explosive devices (IEDs) like road-side bombs have been commonly used
weapons in attacks on US forces in Iraq. "They are providing the material to
Shia extremist groups that operate as their surrogates," he said. "There are
some indications that Lebanese Hezbollah is also used in some of the training
functions for the Iranians," he added.
Casey said that he had no evidence of Iranians directing the attacks but said
that he assumed elements in Tehran were guiding insurgency. "You would assume
that they're not doing that independently, that there is some central direction
from somebody in Tehran," the general said.
Asked whether he believed that Iranians were directing attacks, Casey replied:
"I have no evidence that there are Iranians in Iraq that are actually directing
attacks. Asked which Iraqi groups are getting Iranian aid, Casey replied: We
think they're supporting not all of the groups, but a wide variety of groups
across southern Iraq."
The White House and Pentagon have repeatedly accused elements from Iran's
security apparatus of arming Iraqi insurgent groups. But they concede they have
no clear proof that the Iranian government was sponsoring the activities.
Iran has repeatedly been linked with Shiite radical cleric Moqtada Sadr and his
Madhi Army militia. Earlier this month, White House national security adviser
Stephen Hadley told CNN television that Iran was no longer interested in direct
talks with the United States about the situation in Iraq.
"The Iranians have indicated they no longer have any interest in doing that,"
Hadley said. Iran had indicated in April that it was interested in such talks.
US Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice authorised Khalilzad to reach out to the
Iranians, even though Iran's hardline President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad had said the
talks would be of no use.
© Iranian.ws
Wary of U.S., Syria and Iran Strengthen Ties
By MICHAEL SLACKMAN-Published: June 25, 2006
SAYEDA ZEINAB, Syria, June 24 — For a long time, the top-selling poster in
Hassan al-Sheikh's gift shop here showed President Bashar al-Assad of Syria
seated beside the leader of Hezbollah in Lebanon. A few weeks ago a slightly
different poster overtook it, this one with the Syrian president, the Hezbollah
leader and Iran's president, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad.
A poster in Syria, with President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad of Iran, left, President
Bashar al-Assad of Syria and Hassan Nasrallah of Hezbollah. Mr. Sheikh's shop is
on a bustling street in Sayeda Zeinab beside the entrance to a Shiite shrine
that shares a name with the town, and both have been packed with Iranian
pilgrims, many more than in years past.
Those changes illustrate what may well be a worrying phenomenon for Washington
as it seeks to contain Iran and isolate Syria: the two governments, and their
people, are tightening relations on several fronts as power in the region shifts
away from the once dominant Sunni to Shiites, led by Iran.
This is, in part, the result of the American installation of a Shiite-dominated
government in Iraq after the overthrow of Saddam Hussein and his Sunni-led
government. But it is also spurred by the growing belief in Arab capitals that
the Bush administration may soon negotiate a deal with Tehran over Iraq and
nuclear weapons.
Arab governments once hostile to Iran have begun to soften their public posture
after decades of animosity toward Tehran. President Hosni Mubarak of Egypt met
Iran's national security chief, Ali Larijani, in Cairo recently, and Saudi
Arabia's foreign minister, Prince Saud al-Faisal, visited Tehran this month and
declared the two nations to be good friends. In addition, Iranian officials
recently sent messages of friendship to every Persian Gulf state.
Amid all that activity, Syria has managed to inflate its power in the region by
playing a subtle double game and setting itself up as a possible go-between.
On one hand, it is offering Iran the chance to develop a strong and unified
crescent of influence extending from Syria to the Palestinian territories, now
led by Hamas, a Syrian and Iranian ally. On the other, Syria, which has a
secular-oriented government but is made up of different religious sects and
ethnic groups, has held itself out as an important player in the Sunni effort to
limit the spread of Shiite influence. That has helped it with Arab countries and
has attracted investment from the around the gulf, diplomats and political
analysts in Syria said.
"Syria will work to use its role as a pivotal point to get the most from both
the Arabs and Iranians," said Ayman Abdel Nour, a political analyst and Baath
Party member who works for more political freedoms.
Syria's strategy has helped it win crucial support at a time when it is cut off
from the United States and Europe. But political analysts and government
officials say it is also a risky strategy, one that could weaken Syria if Iran
cuts a deal with the West over its nuclear program — and abandons its ally in
Damascus.
"Syrian officials are worried about America making a deal with Iran," said
Marwan Kabalan, a political science professor at Damascus University. "Syrians
fear that Iranians will use them as a card to buy something from America."
At the same time, Iran's efforts to bolster Shiism in parts of Syria come as the
government here is confronted by the rise of radical Islamic ideas that many say
are being exported from the gulf region. Though relations with Iran are widely
perceived as a political alliance rather than a religious one, the confluence of
the two forces could aggravate sectarian rivalries. Tensions among Syria's many
religious and ethic groups burn so hot beneath the surface of the society that
newspapers are forbidden from identifying sects even when reporting on Iraq.
Syria and Iran began establishing closer ties decades ago, but the real strides
have been recent.
Syria has signed expanded military and economic agreements with Tehran covering
everything from telecommunications projects to higher education. Syria will buy
missiles from Iran. Iran will build cement and car plants in Syria.
At the same time, Arab nations that have been cool to Syria are now reaching out
to it. Syria received the king of Bahrain this month, he met Thursday with Mr.
Mubarak, and this week President Assad held a telephone conference with King
Abdullah II of Jordan. Relations between Amman and Damascus became strained when
Jordanian officials accused Syria of allowing Hamas to smuggle weapons across
Syrian territory and into Jordan — charges Syria has denied.
"Iran injected Syria with a lot of confidence: stand up, show defiance," said
Sami Moubayed, a political analyst and writer in Damascus. "Iran is giving them
advice. This is certain."
European diplomats here said that Syria's turn away from the West — and toward
Iran and other Eastern countries — had also been part of a domestic power
struggle between two forces within the government. Those who favored at least
trying to keep a foot in the door with Europe have been silenced, and those
seeking to shift Syria toward the East have been empowered, said the diplomats
who spoke on the condition of anonymity
When Hafez al-Assad, the former Syrian president, forged ties with Iran decades
ago, his government had the upper hand. Iran had recently gone through a
revolution that ousted the shah and installed a religious system that was only
just finding its footing. Then Saddam Hussein's military invaded, and Iran was
grateful that with Syria's support, Mr. Hussein was unable to define his war as
a battle of Arabs versus Persians, Shiites versus Sunnis.
While Syria offered Iran strategic support, Iran repaid Syria with economic aid
like cheap oil. At the same time, the two shared an interest in building up
Hezbollah, the militia group considered a terrorist organization by the United
States and a resistance force by the Lebanese.
Today the relationship is fundamentally different, with Iran holding the
dominant position as its strength in the region, and the world, is elevated and
Syria's is compromised. "Iran in the last few years became stronger and Syria
became weaker," said Dr. Samir al-Taqi, a health adviser to the Syrian
government and the director of a research institute focused on international
affairs. "Now everyone is asking what Iran will do if it cuts a deal with
America."
Iran's ambassador to Syria, Muhammad Hassan Akhtari, who served as chief of
staff for Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, Iran's supreme leader, for seven years, said
in an interview that Syrians had been assured that Iran would not accept any
compromise with the West if it was "against the interest of Syria."
He also said that over the past 27 years, since the earliest days of the
revolution, Iran had the opportunity to make a deal and "did not sell out its
friends."
"Now that Iran is stronger," he added, "why would it sell out its friends, and
sell out Syria?"
The risks also involve domestic affairs as Syria struggles against an increase
in religious identification, particularly among Sunnis, and signs that the most
radical interpretations of Islam have begun to spread in Syria.
That fight goes back to Hafez al-Assad's reign, when he sent the army to wipe
out the city of Hama, where the Muslim Brotherhood had started an uprising.
Recently, Bashar al-Assad's government reported killing a small group of Islamic
terrorists planning to attack a government building in the center of Damascus.
All of this could present a challenge for a government controlled by a religious
minority — the Alawites — and a political party that identifies itself as
secular, the Baath Party.
"Our situation is so difficult now in the Islamic street," said Muhammad Habash,
a Syrian lawmaker and the director of the liberal-leaning Islamic Studies Center
in Damascus. "Foreign influences, by which I mean mainly Saudi influences, or
Wahhabi influences, are creating dangerous discussions in this region."
Those forces promote the idea that Shiites are not proper Muslims — and in some
cases declare them to be apostates.
For the moment, though, many people say that Iran's opposition to the West and
its long ties to Syria generally have broad support here. "The three are
practically the only ones challenging the United States," said the shopkeeper
selling posters of Mr. Ahmadinejad, Mr. Assad and the leader of Hezbollah, Sheik
Hassan Nasrallah. "That's why we put them in a picture together. They are the
only ones who say no."
But the influx of religious pilgrims in Syria — some estimates exceed a million
a year — and the Iranian investment in Shiite shrines in the north, could
increase tensions. Still, the prospect of inflaming sectarian tensions is, for
now, a distant threat compared with the immediate benefits of Syria's Iran
policy.
"At the beginning of his term, the president tried to make contacts with the
Western world," said Intisar Junis, a Syrian television anchor. "I can't imagine
that he is a real friend to Iran, but now he has no choice. Europe and the U.S.
forced his choice; they closed all the other doors to him."
**Katherine Zoepf contributed reporting from Damascus, Syria, for this article
Lahoud: France behind snub
Thursday, 22 June, 2006, 12:32 PM Doha Time
BEIRUT: The office of Lebanon’s embattled pro-Syrian President Emile Lahoud has
accused former colonial power France of blocking his invitation to a summit of
French-speaking nations. Lahoud has been boycotted by France as well as the US
since his term in office was controversially extended for three years in
September 2004 under pressure from powerful neighbour Syria. French foreign
ministry spokesman Jean-Baptiste Mattei said on Tuesday that Lahoud had not been
invited by Romania to a Francophone summit in October and that Lebanon would be
instead represented by Prime Minister Fouad Siniora.
A statement from Lahoud’s office complained there had been “direct interference
by French President Jacques Chirac to make sure no invitation is extended to
President Lahoud.”“This is a direct interference in Lebanese internal affairs
and is a flagrant violation of the constitution which stipulates that the
Lebanese state, through its institutions, decides the level of its
representation, and not any other state, including the host country,” it said. –
AFP
U.S. Eyes Venezuela-Iran Commercial Alliance
As Washington fights a push by Chavez for a Security Council seat, it is
increasingly wary of the Latin American leader's ties to Tehran.
By Chris Kraul, Times Staff Writer-June 24, 2006
CIUDAD BOLIVAR, Venezuela — The VenIran low-rise tractor factory in remote
eastern Venezuela is one of the signs of Iran's growing presence in Venezuela,
which is being monitored by a U.S. government on alert for any evidence that
Iran may be exporting terrorism. Such evidence would come in handy to the United
States, which is engaged in a pull-out-the-stops campaign to prevent Venezuela
from securing the rotating Latin American seat on the United Nations Security
Council. The vote is scheduled for October.
The United States has said Venezuela would be a "disruptive" and
"non-consensus-seeking" force on the Security Council. As evidence, officials
point to Venezuela's refusal, along with North Korea's, to support the U.N.
International Atomic Energy Agency board of governors' resolution in March
criticizing Iran's nuclear-material development program.
That same month, the first bright-red tractors rolled out of the factory in this
sprawling industrial town on the massive Orinoco River. Now producing 40
tractors a week, the plant will be followed by a bus factory and a cement plant
involving joint Iranian-Venezuelan ventures.
Venezuelan officials say it is merely an extension of the friendship between the
two members of the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries, and that
the host country has a lot to learn from Iran's formation of its many socialist
cooperatives, a central part of the new economic model being followed by
President Hugo Chavez.
The tractor factory is a so-called Nucleus of Endogenous Development, the term
for the state-sponsored job-creation program that Chavez is pushing to lure
workers away from overcrowded, traffic-choked cities such as Caracas and
Maracaibo. Iran has formed dozens of hybrid worker-state companies such as
VenIran, said a Venezuelan government official.
U.S. government officials say they are monitoring the Iranian presence and
watching for nefarious activities.
There may be much to monitor before long. On a visit to Venezuela this month, an
Iranian industry vice minister said his country planned to invest $9 billion in
125 projects here. Among them is the cement factory under construction in
Monagas state, along with 2,500 nearby housing units for workers.
As for the tractor factory, U.S. officials joke about what it is really
producing — an example of the mistrust and rancor permeating United
States-Venezuela relations in recent years.
Chavez has railed against U.S. "imperium," whereas top American officials paint
Chavez as sympathetic to terrorists, namely the biggest Colombian rebel group,
known by its Spanish initials FARC and officially branded as a terrorist group
by the U.S. State Department.
U.S. officials suspect that Chavez affords guerrilla groups rest-and-recreation
space along his country's border with Colombia. A Venezuelan cattlemen's
association in western Venezuela this week said that the FARC was rustling
significant numbers of cattle while the Venezuelan military looked the other
way.
Chavez has strenuously denied giving aid to Colombian leftist guerrillas.
U.S. officials acknowledge that there is no evidence of Chavez engaging directly
in terrorism. They dismissed as unfounded a rumor that Venezuela was or soon
would be selling uranium to Iran. Venezuela is known to have uranium deposits in
Amazon state but the mineral is not being mined, they said.
The tractor factory is in an industrial park in underpopulated Bolivar state, of
which Ciudad Bolivar is the capital. About 70 Venezuelan workers are on the
payroll here, with eight Iranian managers. The building sat abandoned for 30
years after another state-sponsored job-creation program, also to build
tractors, collapsed months after the factory opened in the mid-1970s, local
officials said.
Despite low-key projects such as this one, Western diplomats in the region are
clearly uneasy about Iran establishing a commercial beachhead in Venezuela,
fearing the Islamic Republic's designs in the region may not be strictly
business. Some have said that Iran's increasing links with Venezuela already
have helped make the South American country a center of intrigue.
Although it has no proof that Hezbollah, a Lebanese militant organization, has
set up operations in Venezuela, U.S. government sources note that Iranian
embassies have funded, accommodated and, in some cases, housed Hezbollah
operations. The group, labeled a terrorist organization by the U.S. and Israel,
is suspected of involvement in the 1994 bombing of a Jewish community center in
Buenos Aires.
"It would be an unfortunate thing if the Iran-Venezuelan alliance were to create
a base of operations closer to the shores of the United States," a U.S. official
said. "Iranian embassies and Hezbollah seem to go together."
U.S. officials are also worried about whether Iran will share its know-how on
jury-rigging U.S.-made jets, which it has been doing since the U.S. hostage
crisis in 1979 when U.S. diplomatic relations and military aid were cut off,
leaving Iran with numerous U.S. military aircraft to maintain.
The U.S. has refused to give Chavez spare parts for the 24 F-16 fighters his
country acquired in 1982, and is worried that Tehran may show him how to keep
them flying without them, as Iran's military seems to be doing with its fleet of
F-111s, F-14s and F-5 fighter jets purchased when the shah was in power.
The BBC reported this week that, according to a U.S. diplomatic note it had
obtained called "Defeating Venezuela in the 2006 non-permanent seat on the U.N.
Security Council," the United States fears that Venezuela would use the seat for
"ideological grandstanding."
The Bush administration is campaigning for Guatemala to get the open seat and is
putting pressure on other Latin American nations to support it as well, U.N.
sources told The Times this week.
Venezuelan Foreign Minister Ali Rodriguez said that Venezuela's would be an
independent voice on the council and that it would not automatically vote
against the U.S. on issues of international importance.
"We will use our position there to support peace in the world and refuse all
kinds of attacks on peaceful countries," Rodriguez said. U.S. Ambassador to the
U.N. John R. Bolton has criticized Venezuela's campaign for a seat, saying it
would not contribute to the effective operations of the Security Council.
"I think we're making our position very clear, very persuasively too," Bolton
said when asked Wednesday whether the U.S. was encouraging other countries not
to support Venezuela.
**Times staff writer Maggie Farley at the United Nations contributed to this
report.
Nasser Al-Kharafi gets honorary Ph.D; AUB honours
Kuwaiti businessman
BEIRUT (KUNA): Board of Trustees of the American University of Beirut (AUB)
honoured Kuwaiti businessman Nasser Al-Kharafi with an honorary Ph.D in
literature in appreciation for his contributions and achievements in the fields
of economy, business, and social affairs both in the Middle Eastern region. This
came at a ceremony held Saturday at the AUB campus in which a number of Arab and
foreign figures were awarded similar degrees. AUB President John Waterbury said
the award came in appreciation of the businessman’s achievements as head of the
Al-Kharafi Group and humanitarian and social contributions in the different
countries in which his companies operate.
He also said Al-Kharafi was able to successfully lead his group while
maintaining principles, credibility, and transparency and creating a model for
future generations.
Al-Kharafi, in statements to KUNA, expressed his happiness at having been given
this award, which he said was not to honor for him, but to honor Kuwait. He
added that it came to commend his employees “who are the reason behind my
success,” thanking AUB for this gesture.
PhDs were also awarded this year to London-based architect Zuha Hadid, British
journalist Robert Fisk, Bangladeshi businessman Mohammad Younis, and businessman
Saeed Khuri.
Nasser al-Kharafi is one of the true giants of business and of the private
sector in the Arab world. His instincts and ethics are probably congenital, as
his father, Mohamed Abdelmohsin al-Kharafi, had already established the family’s
reputation. He, Abdelmohsin, founded the M.A. Kharafi Group and in 1952 was one
of the founders of the National Bank of Kuwait. In 1967 he became a member of
the Kuwait National Assembly, Waterbury said.
Nasser al-Kharafi is the younger brother of Jassem Mohammad al-Kharafi, also a
member of the National Assembly and former Finance Minister of Kuwait. He is the
brother of Faiza Al-Kharafi, professor of chemistry who became the first woman
president of Kuwait University during the years 1993-2002.
Nasser al-Kharafi’s multi-billion dollar Kuwaiti conglomerate was first launched
in 1976 as the National Company for Mechanical and Electrical works. It has
since become the al-Kharafi Group and has diversified from local contracting to
become a world class player in engineering, construction and maintenance,
focusing on petroleum, water, chemicals and power. Through its wide network of
enterprises, the group employs over 70,000 Arab nationals and provides thousand
of new jobs every year.
Nasser al-Kharafi is not only head of Al-Kharafi Group, but he has also served
as chairman of the Egypt Kuwait Holding Company, member of the board of
directors of the National Bank of Kuwait, and chairman of the Kuwait Food
Company, Americana now directed by his son, Marzouk. He has also been managing
director of the Aluminium Industries Company.
In Kuwait in 2001 the company won a BOT (build, operate, transfer) contract for
the largest waste water treatment plant in the world, the Sulaibiya Wastewater
Treatment and Reclamation Plant, officially inaugurated in 2005. The plant
treats 60% of Kuwait’s sewage and produces potable water of a standard far in
excess of World Health Organization specifications, although the water is
currently used for agriculture and
As a businessman, I realized at an early stage of my life that success is
neither about getting ahead nor about the profits one achieves. Success is
rather about making a difference, knowing your strengths and weaknesses,
expanding your capacity to perform and about what you give back to your
community, especially in terms of creating opportunities to others to improve
their lives. I made sure that in every new market or new line of business Al
Kharafi Group enters, we try to make a positive impact, introduce new
technologies, know-how and values. Through our social activities, we support
education, sports, arts, back public health care initiatives and civil
organizations,” said Kharafi.
“I am deeply indebted to my late father who taught me a lot. The most valuable
things I learned from him are; integrity, honesty, hard work and the knowledge
to deal with the human element. Those are the secret ingredients of success
which I think I have followed and I do believe that any person who focuses on
those virtues will be on the right path to success,” he added.
The legacy my late father left us was a great challenge and I cannot claim that
it was easy. But on such a day, I feel that I have succeeded so did my brother
Jassim who went into politics and became the Speaker of the Kuwait’s National
Assembly for many years now so did my sister Fayezeh who became the first lady
Dean of an Arab University.
Although I am extremely happy and highly honored by the presence of each and
every one in the audience, I am at the same time sad because I miss the presence
of the late Mr. Rafeek Al Hariri, may his soul rest in peace. I knew him for
many years, he was a great man and a world leader who had Lebanon in his heart,
soul and mind. If we look around us now we see his shadow behind Soldier, the
airport and numerous infrastructure projects benefiting Lebanon, he will never
be forgotten. I am glad that his mission and path are being followed and
continued by the Prime Minister Fouad Siniora and also his son Sheikh Saad El
Dine Al Hariri leader of the “Future Movement.” Their task is not an easy one
and I wish them both all the success.”
A closer look at tribal politics in Lebanon
Sunday, 25 June, 2006 -By Anthony El Ghossain,
Ya Libnan Volunteer
The difficulties concerning the consolidation of state power in Lebanon can be
traced back to the tribal mentality ingrained in the Lebanese political system.
Analysis of the domestic situation can only be considered useful within a
broader effort to propose solutions to the problems confronting the subject of
study; Lebanese political reality. In order to demonstrate the problem at hand,
I intend to outline specific examples of clan politics and illustrate the
semi-formal power structures that dominate the political scene in Lebanon. It is
important to realize that while clan networks are often assimilated into formal
institutions, their source of legitimacy is derived from the unique nature of
the fragmented Lebanese society, rather than a legal-political framework. This
article will provide detailed examples of the tribalism discussed previously,
and solutions will be proposed in a separate text.
Division through religion
The President of the Republic, by tradition, is a Maronite Christian – this post
has been dominated by clan-based politics to a larger extent than the other
executive positions, which can be attributed to the especially strong clan
tendencies of the Christian community. This tradition can be viewed as an
outgrowth of mountain politics during the Ottoman era, which explains the
parallels between Maronite and Druze clan politics. Members of traditional clans
that have ascended to the Presidency include Bishara El-Khoury, Fouad Shehab,
and Camille Chamoun. Presidents have also been derived from more locally-based
clans, like the Franjiehs and Mouawads of Zgharta, and the Hrawi family of Zahle.
The Gemayel family, through the Phalange Party, has seen two members rise to the
presidency – Bashir and Amin, and their father Sheik Pierre.
The position of Prime Minister, or head of government, is allocated to Sunni
Muslims, and has been dominated by families of urban significance – power in
this case is not land-based, but a result of commercial activity from coastal
cities from the late 19th-century onwards. Riad El-Solh, Saeb Salam, and Rashid
Karami were all part of influential families based in Beirut and Tripoli. The
Hariri family, with the exception of pockets in Tripoli, dominated the largely
Sunni coastal cities since the early 1990s, due to the fortune amassed by the
late Premier Rafic Hariri and his role in the Taif Accord and urban renewal.
Druze politics have been dominated by the Jumblatt and Arslan clans. While no
executive leadership is allocated to the Druze sect, the minority has played a
disproportionate role in Lebanese politics, mostly through the Jumblatts. Both
families have long existed as power brokers in Lebanon, but the influence
exerted from the mid-20th century onwards can be attributed to the
socio-economic orientation of Kamal Jumblatt, which placed him squarely in the
Leftist opposition in the years preceding the Civil War. His son, Walid Bey, has
continued to wield considerable influence in the Lebanese political arena.
The Shiite community is slightly less dominated by clan families, reflecting a
historical sidelining of this sect in pre-War politics. The Shiite areas of
Lebanon have in the past been subject to the influence of the Hamada and Haidar
families, but the exclusion of the community from power during the early
independence years led to a more clerical political orientation. Popular
movements displaced the Shiite elites more readily than in other communities
because these elites were never accepted into the Sunni-Maronite 1943 system,
which denied Shiite elites the state-backing that was available to others. Imam
Moussa Sadr was during his time in Lebanon, a leader of the Shiite community,
which began to emerge in the late 1960s from the political backwaters. After the
Imam's disappearance in Libya, the leadership role was passed to Nabih Berri of
Amal, and the newly formed Hizbullah party, which is now led by Sayed Hassan
Nasrallah. These movements are not led by family networks per say, but are still
representative of a tribal dynamic. The Shiite community, like the each
community in Lebanon, is dominated by political elites.
Lack of representation
The problem in Lebanon is not the presence of elites, but elitism – the
exclusion of the constituency from the decision-making process. The sectarian
nature of Lebanese society has contributed to the problem by creating an
emphasis on representation instead of policy-making. The institutions of
government are paralyzed by the desire to maintain a delicate confessional
balance – the history of modern Lebanon has been one of discussion, debate, and
strife.
Fearful of domination, the sects of Lebanon tend to entrust "strongmen" (zu'ama)
with authority over each community. These elites are to a certain extent bound
by the nature of the system, and seek to maximize the relative position of their
respective sects in the political sphere. However, these elites are largely
motivated to preserve themselves, their patronage networks, and the status quo.
The agreements that have shaped Lebanon have all been reached behind closed
doors by an elite that does not draw its power from legitimate election
processes. Admittedly, the National Pact, the Taif Accord, National Dialogue in
process have included members of Parliament and the cabinet, but
non-institutional actors often played a larger role.
The Dialogue is dominated not by the most competent people, but by those who are
a za'im within a certain community. The presence of Nasrallah alongside Berri,
Hariri alongside Siniora, and Aoun and Geagea in the absence of President Lahoud
illustrates the importance of non-formal elite leadership in Lebanon. Narrow
interpretations of the national interest are further complicated by power-based
calculations undertaken by elites, which are broadly supported by the various
sects of Lebanon due to the desire to project sectarian concerns – the end
result has in the past been deadlock, collapse, and war.
The greatest danger of the Lebanese system is the linking of stability to the
ability of elites to control their populations. Failures at the top of the
pyramid fuel hostility below, sometimes creating situations beyond the control
of the strongmen who themselves are the initial catalysts of popular
mobilization. Avoiding a repetition of history then, depends on systemic change.
Dialogue Representatives
Maronite Sunni Shiite Druze Other
Aoun Hariri Berri Jumblatt Skaff*
Geagea Siniora Nasrallah Tueni**
A. Gemayel Murr**
* Greek Catholic
** Greek Orthodox
*** Boutros Harb is not listed because he does not head a movement or a
patronage network
This is part 2 of a 3-part series focusing on clan rule in Lebanon:
Part 1: The never-ending story of clan rule in Lebanon
Letter: Don’t rewrite history
Sunday, June 25, 2006
Regarding Edie Birt’s letter ("Bush is not to blame," June 22), it’s fascinating
how one person can be so intrepidly wrong.
In 1983, when the Marine barracks in Lebanon were bombed Reagan was president.
After the bombing President Reagan cut and run the Marines from Lebanon and days
later diverted Ms. Birt’s attention by attacking Grenada.
During the first Gulf War Bush 41 told the Kurds that if they rose up against
Saddam that we would support them. The Kurds did so, Bush 41 cut and run, and
Saddam massacred the Kurds.
In 1998 Clinton signed the Kyoto Protocol committing the U.S. to reduce
emissions. When President Bush took office he cut and run from the treaty and
refused to ratify it. Al Gore has spoken about global warming for decades.
In 1998 Clinton launched missiles against Sudanese and Afghani targets,
including a bin Laden terror camp. The right wing called out, "No wars for
Monica." Had not the Republican Congress and the Edie Birts constantly
challenged his presidency, Clinton would have had greater success at fighting
terror.
President Bush could do plenty to address global warming through CAFE standards
and tax policy. Particularly while Republicans control the government.
Unfortunately, Bush tackles global warming and the Iraqi Occupation similarly,
by allowing industry to write policy and leaving his problems to the next
administration.
Although Edie Birt blames Clinton for the bombing of the barracks, the massacre
of the Kurds and bin Laden, reality is diametrically opposed to Edie Birt’s
perception. MIKE PAIGE, Framingham