LCCC NEWS BULLETIN
JANUARY 13/2006
Below News from
Miscellaneous resources for 13.1.06
Lebanese PM confers with Mubarak in Sharm el-Sheikh-KUNA 13.1.06
On Lebanon's Stability. By: Abdullah Iskandar Al-Hayat - 12/01/06
LEBANON: Trial of human rights defender postponed. IRIN 13.1.06
Syria says U.N. investigators cannot quiz Assad-Reuters 13.1.06
SYRIA: Year in Brief 2005 - A chronology of democratic developments-IRIN 13.1.06
Below News from the Daily
Star 13.1.06
Anti-Syrian politicians work on unity
New 'hit list' of prominent Lebanese delivered to ISF officers
Alleged Al-Qaeda statement warns Sabra, Shatila
Released hostage describes his Iraqi ordeal
Gunmen who shot municipality workers could face life in jail
Syria may be finding its own facesaver
AUB alumni reject worldwide association
Palestinians planned coastal attack
Family members deny killing 11-year-old boy
Lebanese NGOs criticize trade policy
Standard & Poor's maintains stable outlook for Lebanese banks
Solidere stocks continue their spectacular surge
Dinner held in appreciation of Baabdat town choir
Scots celebrate their patron saint
A taste of paradise in Tahiti via Casino du Liban
Detainee lauds resistance from his Israeli cell
Palestinians in Lebanon inch closer to recognition with 2005 work law
New 'hit list' of prominent Lebanese delivered to ISF
officers
By Jessy Chahine -Daily Star staff
Friday, January 13, 2006
BEIRUT: A new "hit list" of prominent Lebanese personalities whose lives are
said to be in danger was delivered to senior officers of the Internal Security
Forces, The Daily Star learned Thursday. Several well-known television hosts are
included in the list and at least two of them have left the country. Marcel
Ghanem, host of "Kalam al-Nass," a popular political talk show on Lebanese
Broadcasting Corporation (LBC), will for the foreseeable future be broadcasting
his show from Paris.
The Daily Star has learned that Ghanem, along with seven other names, was
included on a list that was supplied to the ISF by the American Embassy in
Lebanon. The other names included Ali Hamade, a senior writer at An-Nahar and
also Future TV host of the political show "Al-Istihqaq." He is the brother of
Telecommunications Minister Marwan Hamade, who is also on the list. Some of the
other names are Fares Khashan, host of Future TV political show "Al-Tahkik,"
Walid Jumblatt, head of the Progressive Socialist Party, Tripoli MP Elias
Atallah, Social Affairs Minister Nayla Mouawad, and Beirut MP Saad Hariri.
The warning letter from the U.S. Embassy included strong recommendations to
enhance the personal safety of those named, while simultaneously advising them
to reduce their mobility as much as possible.
This is not the first time such hit lists have been issued. However the latest
list of targets was remarkable for the number of new "death nominees" - Ali
Hamade, Mouawad, Khashan and Ghanem. Jumblatt, Hariri and Marwan Hamade always
made it to the "top 10" of other such lists. Jumblatt, originally a long-time
ally of Damascus, later became one of the most outspoken opponents of Syria's
control over Lebanon. Hamade, a member of Jumblatt's PSP party and also known in
the past year or so for his anti-Syrian stance, narrowly escaped an
assassination attempt made on him in October 2004.
Other alleged targets in former hit lists were MPs Wael Bou Faour, also a PSP
member, and Samir Franjieh, a prominent partisan of Hariri's Future Movement.
Founder of the Movement for a Democratic Left (MDL) and MP Elias Atallah, who
has called for the restoration of "Lebanese sovereignty and a re-evaluation of
ties with Syria," also featured on previous hit lists.
"All the hit lists of the world will never prevent us from defending our
country's sovereignty," Mouawad told The Daily Star. "This killing machine is
just moving on, isn't it? Nothing seems to stop it," she added.
"We are still faced by that endless terrorist Syrian regime and we still have to
fight it," Jumblatt told The Daily Star.
MP Michel Aoun, whose name was not included on the current list, remained,
according to his spokesperson, "extremely exposed to murder attempts." "Now more
than ever, it's high time for the government to provide some security and
personal protection for those threatened," said Tony Nasrallah, the Free
Patriotic Movement's spokesman. "If we cannot look after our own business, how
can we be eligible for sovereignty?" Nasrallah said media representatives were
being particularly targeted because of the "important role they play in the
country's fight for independence."
Ghanem and Khashan flew to France after the warning, while Marwan Hamade set off
on a "European tour," according a local news agency. "That tour has nothing to
do with the warning and Marwan is coming back shortly," said a source close to
Hamade. When contacted by The Daily Star, the American Embassy refused to
deny or confirm any role in distributing the warning.
Anti-Syrian politicians work on unity
Meetings focused on rejection of recent arab initiative
By Majdoline Hatoum -Daily Star staff
Friday, January 13, 2006
BEIRUT: Lebanon's anti-Syrian politicians worked on strengthening their unity
Thursday in the face of a reported Arab initiative they accused of "returning
Syrian influence" to the country. Talking after a meeting for the March 14
forces, MP Butros Harb said any initiative to tone down the tension between
Lebanon and Syria was welcome, as long as it recognizes Lebanon's presence as a
main partner.
"We welcome all the initiatives taken to restore Lebanese-Syrian relations to
their normal course, but what happened was that some Arab states took the
initiative in Lebanon's absence ... These countries met with the Syrian
president and did not meet with a Lebanese representative, they agreed on a work
plan and announced it ... but we found that this plan does not suit Lebanon, and
we agreed to refuse this initiative," Harb said.
The MP added that the recent warming in relations between MP Michel Aoun's Free
Patriotic Movement and the rest of the March 14 forces was a positive step."We
are open to all political forces and parties, and especially to those who share
our belief in Lebanon's sovereignty and independence," he said. A recent meeting
between a delegation from Aoun's FPM and Chouf MP Walid Jumblatt opened the door
for the FPM's return to the country's anti-Syrian coalition. The relationship
between the two national leaders has been tense since the end of the
parliamentary elections last summer.
The meeting also falls in with efforts being made by Jumblatt to strengthen the
anti-Syrian forces.
On Thursday, the Druze leader sent a delegation from his Progressive Socialist
Party to meet with several leaders, including the Lebanese Forces leader Samir
Geagea and former MP Fares Soueid. Following the meeting with Geagea,
Information Minister Ghazi Aridi said the recent Arab initiative - drawn up by
Egypt and Saudi Arabia to
moderate relations between Lebanon and Syria - was trying to restore the Syrian
influence in the country.
According to media reports, the initiative suggested the formation of a unified
Syrian-Lebanese security committee, an agreement to demarcate the borders
without setting a time frame by the Syrians, and coordination between Lebanon
and Syria on foreign affairs. "These ideas were laid down by Syria, and it is
trying to find a foothold back in Lebanon through such attempts," Jumblatt said,
"but this has failed and this issue is not up for discussion anymore."
Aridi said Lebanon wanted to demarcate the borders, but blamed Syria for
refusing to do so. "We want to demarcate the borders between us and Syria, and
we want it to start with Shebaa Farms so that the UN acknowledges they are
Lebanese, which in turn would give more legitimacy to the resistance," he said.
"As for diplomatic relations between us and Syria, we are the ones who want
that, but how can the Syrian's demand that these issues be discussed later on be
explained." Geagea reasserted his refusal of any deal that would put Lebanon's
sovereignty at risk. The Lebanese Forces leader said Lebanon's politicians would
not accept any deal "under pressure threatening the unstable security situation
in the country." While most Lebanese politicians agreed to refuse the Arab
initiative, Speaker Nabih Berri, in Saudi Arabia to perform the Hajj, said the
ongoing talks in the kingdom aimed at gaining Arab support for Lebanon's
internal agreement.
Meanwhile, FPM MP Gebran Bassil said the recent meeting between his party and
Jumblatt occurred because the PSP leader realized his policies toward Aoun were
"not right."
"After realizing this, Jumblatt put things back in prospect and acknowledged our
presence and our input in the battle for Lebanon's independence," Bassil said.
The MP added that the recent dialogue between the FPM and Jumblatt did not mean
the dialogue taking place between the FPM and Hizbullah had ended. "The dialogue
with Hizbullah is still going on, because what we aim at is finding solutions
for issues that concern the Lebanese people," he said. However, Bassil stressed
that a meeting between Aoun and Hizbullah Secretary General Sayyed Hassan
Nasrallah was dependent on the
resistance's decision on a number of issues, including the current boycott by
its ministers of the Cabinet.
And as the country's anti-Syrian politicians were asserting their agreement to
refuse any initiative that could threaten Lebanon's sovereignty, former MP Talal
Arslan - one of Syria's staunch allies in Lebanon - called on Jumblatt to hold a
Druze dialogue.
Arslan, Jumblatt's main Druze rival, said: "We are sending an open invitation
for dialogue, and - I call [Jumblatt] to a meeting any time he wants."Contacted
by The Daily Star, Jumblatt refused to comment on Arslan's open call.
Meanwhile, Hizbullah MP Ali Khreis criticized the U.S. Ambassador in Lebanon
Jeffrey Feltman for trying to ruin efforts made by Arab countries to "ease the
crisis in Lebanon."
Alleged Al-Qaeda statement warns Sabra, Shatila
Friday, January 13, 2006- Daily Star
BEIRUT: "We have been trying hard to enter the Sabra and Shatila camp, which is
considered the symbol of Palestinian camps in Lebanon ... Since this camp needs
reform, you have to take these warnings seriously, because today we warn but
tomorrow we will liquidate dozens of people," a statement issued by an Al-Qaeda
military faction in Lebanon said Thursday. The statement was distributed in the
Sabra and Shatila refugee camp and was signed by the "Black Leopards: Al-Qaeda
Military Faction in Lebanon." "We warn Lebanese government officials against
interfering in the refugee camp; do not make orphans of your children and widows
of your wives," the statement said. "We warn the women who leave the camp for
places of prostitution in Hamra or who work for Lebanese and foreign security
bodies; those will be liquidated by gunshots," it said.
The statement also said alcohol shops and pharmacies which sell anesthetic
medicine will be detonated and their owners murdered. "Our suicide bombings will
target all the United Nations buildings inside and outside the camp, as well as
agents such as [Palestinian officials] Abbas Zaki and Khaled Aref and several
foreign embassies," the statement added.
"We warn [Saudi Prince] Walid bin Talal against entering the camps," it said.
"Our attacks will also target immoral religious men who stole our money, as well
as Lebanese security
officers who took advantage of our brothers," the statement added. But camp
residents such as Palestinian Nabil Shreh reject the statement. "The residents
of Sabra and Shatila rise above such statements," he said. "I believe those who
wrote the statement are strangers; they do not belong to the camp."Shreh added
that Shatila is "the door" that would lead the refugees to their homeland
in Palestine. "Osama bin Laden should go and fight the Zionists before coming
here to reform the camps," he said. "We don't live in an extremist Islamic
country; Shatila is the camp of the martyrs, the camp of the struggle," Shreh
continued. He added that the only United Nations buildings in the camp were
medical clinics and schools. "Do they want to destroy them too?" he asked.
Syria may be finding its own facesaver
By Leila Hatoum -Daily Star staff
Friday, January 13, 2006
BEIRUT: After holding closed meetings with MP Saad Hariri and Lebanese Premier
Fouad Siniora respectively, French President Jacques Chirac and Egyptian
President Hosni Mubarak Thursday repeated their calls for Syria to extend full
cooperation with the UN probe investigating the assassination of former Premier
Rafik Hariri.
Siniora, who met with Mubarak in Sharm el-Sheikh, said after the meeting he
sensed an "inalienable stand" to help Lebanon, and called on Syria to cooperate
with the UN.Mubarak, in addition to Saudi King Abdullah, has been leading
regional efforts to convince Damascus to cooperate with the international
investigations and to defuse tension between Lebanon and Syria.
Syria faces mounting international pressure to cooperate with the international
probe and is widely accused of having a hand in Hariri's assassination, a major
factor in creating the current tension between the two countries.
On Syrian-Lebanese relations, Siniora said Thursday Lebanon "is doing its best
to form true relations with Syria based on respect and a friendship not based on
hegemony." He added: "It's about time that Syrian officials get used to Lebanon
as an independent and sovereign country."Syria withdrew from its neighbor last
April after almost three decades of military and political dominance.MP Saad
Hariri, son of slain former Premier Rafik Hariri, met with Chirac, after which
Hariri said he hoped that Syria "would fully cooperate with the UN probe because
it's in its best interest to do so," adding that everybody should follow the
international will. Damascus has refused a request by the UN probe to interview
Syrian President Bashar Assad, but said it would allow the international
investigators to interview Foreign Minister Farouq al-Sharaa.
Syrian Information Minister Mahdi Dakhlallah, who said early Thursday that as a
president with an international immunity, "Damascus strongly rejects" the notion
that Assad be interviewed, adding that the probe "has to sign a protocol" with
Syria regulating the level of cooperation and respecting Syria's sovereignty.
However, Dakhlallah lowered his tone later saying "there is a difference between
being interviewed and being interrogated," and Assad "meets with several people
every day." He did not rule out the possibility of a meeting between Assad and
UN probe investigators.
Assad himself had told an Egyptian weekly last week he has immunity as a
president under international law to refuse the UN probe's request. This comes
at a time when former Syrian Vice President Abdul Halim Khaddam repeated
Thursday on the British Sky television station his belief that Assad gave orders
to assassinate Hariri.
Meanwhile, Lebanese Arabic daily As-Safir said Thursday that two top Syrian
officers were going to be interrogated in Vienna the same day. The newspaper
identified them as Brigadier-General Rustom Ghazaleh, former head of Syria's
military intelligence in Lebanon, and one of his assistants Major Samih Qashaami.
Other reports said four Syrian officials would be questioned in Vienna by UN
investigators. The UN probe spokesperson refused to comment. Ghazaleh is one of
five Syrian officers questioned in Vienna some two months ago, and who were
later identified as suspects in a report which former UN Chief Investigator
Detlev Mehlis submitted to the UN last December. Mehlis is currently in Lebanon
awaiting to hand over his post to his successor, Belgian Magistrate Serge
Brammertz, who is also the Deputy Prosecutor at the International Criminal
Court.
Brammertz is expected to take up his assignment in Beirut "as soon as is
practicable," according to a UN statement issued late Wednesday.
Despite media reports that Brammertz is expected in Beirut by next week,
Stephane Dujarric, UN Chief Kofi Annan's spokesperson, told The Daily Star
Thursday that Brammertz is still in New York and that he has no exact date for
his arrival in Lebanon. He said: "Brammertz continues to meet with relevant
officials," at the UN. The UN probe's spokesperson in Beirut also denied reports
that Brammertz was expected next week, saying the official view is that he is
expected "soon." The spokesperson told The Daily Star Thursday that even if
there were information on travel schedules for Brammertz or any other members of
the UN investigation, it would not be released for security reasons. - With
agencies
Palestinians planned coastal attack
Friday, January 13, 2006- Daily Star
BEIRUT: Four Palestinians arrested over the weekend in northern Lebanon said
they were planning to carry out military attacks against Israeli targets along
the Gaza-Egyptian coast, Al-Hayat reported Thursday. The Palestinians were
detained Saturday, a day after the Lebanese Army thwarted their attempt to leave
the northern coast of the country in a ferryboat packed with weapons and
explosives, a high-ranking official told the London-based daily. He said the
Palestinians confessed they belonged to Osbat Al-Ansar, an Islamist armed group
based in the Ain al-Hilweh refugee camp, near the southern port city of Sidon.
They also said a key figure in the group from the Palestinian refugee camp of
Nahr al-Bared in the north had planned the unsuccessful operation and provided
the boat.
They were planning to attack Israeli targets along the coastal strip between
Gaza and the Egyptian city of Al-Arish.
The army reported the arrest of the four Palestinians a day after the Lebanese
Navy chased them off the coast of Nahr al-Bared and forced them to abandon their
boat. The army initially said it had thwarted an arms smuggling attempt after
finding rocket-propelled grenades, hand grenades and other explosives in the
abandoned boat. Osbat al-Ansar came under the spotlight in the mid-nineties when
three of its members killed Sheikh Nizar al-Halabi, the head of the pro-Syrian
Association of Islamic Philanthropic Projects, better known as Al-Ahbash. The
three were executed, but Osbat al-Ansar leader Abdel-Karim al-Saadi, who goes by
the nom de guerre of Abu Mohjen, was sentenced to death in absentia. He is
believed to be the mastermind of the murder. It is widely believed he is holed
up in Ain al-Hilweh, which is controlled by Palestinian armed groups. Lebanese
authorities do not enter the camp. - Naharnet
Lebanese PM confers with Mubarak in Sharm el-Sheikh
CAIRO, Jan 12 (KUNA) -- Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak on Thursday conferred
with Lebanese Prime Minister Fouad Al-Siniora on the latest political
developments in Lebanon and the region, Radio Cairo said.
It added that the talks between the two leaders were even more important
following the recent revelations made in France against the Syrian regime by
former Syrian Vice-President Abdel-Halim Khaddam and against the backdrop of the
growing pressure on Syria by the international community over a possible Syrian
connection in last year's car bomb assassination of former Lebanese Prime
Minister Rafik Al-Hariri.
The two leaders, who met in Sharm El-Sheikh, also discussed the outcome of
Mubarak's meetings in the Saudi Arabian city of Jeddah with Saudi King Abdullah
and Syrian President Bashar Al-Assad.
French President Jacques Chirac, who met with Syrian Foreign Minister Saud
Al-Faisal Monday, had called on Syria to implement UN Resolutions 1595 and 1644
"without any preconditions." Mubarak is due to get, from Al-Siniora, the
Lebanese attitude with regard to this issue after getting from Al-Assad the
Syrian attitude in this connection. (end) an.
On Lebanon's Stability
Abdullah Iskandar Al-Hayat - 12/01/06//
The least that may be deduced from targeting municipal policemen doing their job
in a Lebanese town, close to the capital, is that the perpetrators have a
program. The perpetrators belong to a military base for the "General Command"
whose leaders keep on declaring their non-Lebanese alliances and goals that are
attached thereto. If it is naïve to believe that the two injured policemen were
"operatives" for Israel, then it is also naive to believe that the presence of
this military base has anything to do with the confrontation with Israel or the
Palestinian program of the "General Command".
With the incident taking place only few days after discovering arms smuggling
from a Palestinian camp in northern Lebanon, by sea, to the Lebanese heartland,
the use of these arms would probably be only similar to their use in Naameh.
This means that Palestinian weapons outside camps will only be exploited in
internal Lebanese issues especially that the Lebanese situation is entering
quasi fundamental debates, regarding constitutional agreements stemming from the
Taef Accord, the role of the State, the limits of the roles and sizes of the
sects.
Consequently, defending these weapons, regardless of the strength of arguments
revealing Israeli hostility against the Palestinian people and the Israeli
appetite to swallow Arab land, does not fall away from the pre-designed Lebanese
program pushing towards undermining stability as a prelude to switch roles.
In light of the internal congestion and the status quo of the governmental
crisis, initially stemming from the disagreement between the Lebanese government
and "Hezbollah", the ally of the "General Command" and other factions clinging
to weapons outside camps, the will to trigger an armed confrontation may be
aimed at wiping out the remaining hope of a self-driven Lebanese stability, i.e.
re-exposing the country to a crisis that may be much stiffer than the ones
witnessed before.
Arab intervention may be needed, immediately and urgently, to inquire about the
program that is linked to the Palestinian weapons and their purpose. Wishing
stability for Lebanon and supporting its government may remain without real
effect as long as the situation on the ground is still volatile. People
concerned with this stability must also solicit effective guarantees to
extinguish the spark.
The Secretary General of the Arab League, Mr. Amr Moussa, should have been in
Beirut and Damascus to clarify that stability in the region is a one and
indivisible. This time, the spark that would set fire to Lebanon will neither
benefit Syria nor the region, especially at a stage where search is ongoing for
solutions in the framework of the international investigation in Hariri's
assassination, because the International Community is watching, with the
strength of its decisions, what is going on in Lebanon. The IC knows the strings
that are stirring tension and jeopardizing stability in Lebanon, as it grasps
well the meaning of having the weapons of one faction brandished in the face of
the others.
LEBANON: Trial of human rights defender postponed
BEIRUT, 12 Jan 2006 (IRIN) - The trial of a prominent human rights lawyer due to
appear in a Beirut court earlier this week has been adjourned to 20 March due to
procedural errors.
Muhammad Moghraby was accused of "slandering the army establishment and its
officers" after delivering a speech to a European Parliament delegation in
Belgium on 4 November 2003. In the speech, Moghraby criticised Lebanon’s
military-court system and the inadequate legal training provided to judges.
He also denounced the alleged ill-treatment and torture employed by military
courts to extract confessions from suspects.
“Moghraby was not legally summoned,” said his lawyer, Fouad Sfeir. “They [the
authorities] did not use legal procedures."
Sfeir explained that the prosecution had wrongly accused Moghraby of committing
the alleged “crime" on Lebanese territory. "They don't even know what they are
talking about," the lawyer said.
Under Lebanese law, any attempt to undermine the respect due to the nation and
its institutions is a crime. Human rights activists, however, say that security
forces use the law to conduct arbitrary arrests.
After the withdrawal of Syrian troops in April 2005 after 30 years of control
over Lebanon, many hoped that national institutions would become more
democratic.
"But it’s still the same old mentality," complained Sfeir. "From a political
point of view, no change has happened in these institutions – military or
judicial."
If found guilty, Moghraby could be sentenced with up to three years'
imprisonment.
Local and international human rights groups, meanwhile, have called for the
government to drop the charges.
In a statement issued last week, human rights watchdog Amnesty International
defended Moghraby, saying he was simply exercising his right to freedom of
expression. The organisation pointed out that such freedoms were guaranteed by
Article 19 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, to which
Lebanon is a party.
It also stated its concern that the case against Moghraby comes within “a
pattern of harassment” against him, possibly related to his work in defence of
human rights.
"It’s not the first time they tried to prosecute me; it might be something like
the ninth," said Moghraby.
No comments on the case have been available from the government.
Syria says U.N. investigators cannot quiz Assad
Thu Jan 12, 2006 -By Nadim Ladki- BEIRUT (Reuters) - U.N. investigators probing
former Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik al-Hariri's killing cannot question Syrian
President Bashar al-Assad, Damascus said on Thursday.
But Information Minister Mahdi Dakhl-Allah said Syria would still cooperate with
the inquiry and sources close to the probe said four Syrians would be questioned
in Vienna next week.
The U.N. Security Council has threatened Syria with "further action" if it did
not fully cooperate with the inquiry into the February 14 assassination of
Hariri in a Beirut truck bombing.
Former Syrian Vice President Abdel-Halim Khaddam has accused Assad of ordering
the killing. The inquiry has implicated Syrian officials and loyal Lebanese
security chiefs in the murder.
Asked if Syria rejected a meeting between Assad and the investigators, Dakhl-Allah
told Egyptian radio: "Certainly, because the issue is related to Syria's
sovereignty."
"Syria is committed to its independence and sovereignty. This is a red line that
cannot be crossed," Dakhl-Allah added.
The interview was monitored by the British Broadcasting Corporation.
Asked about his remarks, Dakhl-Allah told Reuters it was taking it out of
context to say Assad refused to meet the inquiry team and suggested that he was
willing to receive a visit so long as it did not represent a breach of
sovereignty.
"There is a difference between a questioning and an audience. The president
receives visitors from Syria and outside Syria," he said.
"Syria reaffirms the principle of cooperation with the international
investigation committee on the principle that any request it presents should be
based on acknowledged legal foundations and international immunities," he told
Reuters.
He repeated Syria's demand that it signs a legal framework with the inquiry
"that entails the procedures of dealing with Syria at all levels with
affirmation on respecting Syria's sovereignty".
KHADDAM'S CHARGE
The U.N. team conducting the inquiry into Hariri's death has been trying to
interview Assad. Diplomats had said previously that the Syrian leader had
refused.
Syria has strongly denied any role in Hariri's killing.
Asked if he thought Assad was directly responsible for Hariri's killing, the
former vice president Khaddam, now based in Paris, told Britain's Sky
Television: "In my belief, yes, my personal belief is that he ordered it."
"But at the end of the day there is an investigation. They must give the final
decision."
Lebanon's staunchly anti-Syrian politician Walid Jumblatt said Syria's refusal
for Assad questioning was serious.
"It is like he is trying to say he has nothing to do with it and that he does
not control his security agencies," he told Reuters. "I never thought that
Bashar al-Assad is innocent."
U.S. Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice threatened on Wednesday to send the
Hariri inquiry back to the Security Council if Syrian "obstruction" continued.
Sources familiar with the inquiry said it would question four Syrians, including
the former chief of intelligence in Lebanon Lieutenant General Rustom Ghazali,
in Vienna on Monday.
Investigators had already questioned him and identified him as a suspect.
The four also include Hosam Hosam, a witness who had implicated Syrian officials
in the assassination but who later fled Beirut for Syria, where he said his
accusations were false.
The inquiry team requested last month to interview Assad, his foreign minister,
Farouq al-Shara, and other officials.
Diplomats have said Syria has indicated Shara will be allowed to meet the
inquiry. He will not be among those questioned next week, the sources said.
Syria was the dominant force in Lebanon since the end of the 1975-1990 civil
war. It ended its 29-year military presence in Lebanon in April amid
international outcry over Hariri's murder.
(Additional reporting by Alaa Shahine in Beirut, Inal Ersan in Damascus, Amil
Khan in Cairo and London newsroom)
SYRIA: Year in Brief 2005 - A chronology of democratic
developments
DAMASCUS, 12 Jan 2006 (IRIN) -
2000
June 2000 - President Hafez al-Assad dies of heart failure after 30 years as
president, ushering in a new political age. The Regional Command of the ruling
Ba’ath party nominates al-Assad’s son, Bashar, for president. The national
constitution is amended to lower the age requirement for president to allow
Bashar to stand.
July 2000 - Bashar al-Assad is elected president in a national referendum,
winning 97 percent of the vote. In an inaugural address, he pledges to reform
the state-run economy and reject western-style democracy.
September 2000 - Syrian intellectuals issue the "Statement of 99," which calls
for democratic reform.
November 2000 – President al-Assad pardons 600 political prisoners, from a
political prisoner count then estimated at 1500.
2001
January 2001 - A thousand intellectuals sign a petition demanding democratic
reforms. The statement triggers a government crackdown, bringing an end to the
brief thaw in political life, known as the "Damascus Spring," that came in the
wake of the presidential succession.
May 2001 - The outlawed Muslim Brotherhood, which led an armed uprising against
the regime in the early 1980s, issues a statement calling for a modern,
democratic state, and rejects political violence.
June 2001 - Syrian troops in Lebanon begin their first major redeployment, with
some 6,000 pulling out of the Lebanese capital, Beirut. An estimated 20,000 are
left in the country.
August-September 2001 - A number of civil society activists, including some
members of parliament, are arrested and imprisoned.
September 2001 - President al-Assad calls for international help to eradicate
terrorism following attacks on the World Trade Centre and Pentagon in the US,
which kill almost 3,000 people. Al Queda claims responsibility for the attacks.
November 2001 - A further 122, mainly Islamist, political prisoners are granted
an amnesty.
2002
March 2002 - President al-Assad travels to Lebanon to meet Lebanese President
Emile Lahoud, the first visit by a Syrian head of state to that country since
1975.
April 2002 - A second major withdrawal of Syrian troops from Lebanon takes
place. President al-Assad rejects a proposal by US Secretary of State Colin
Powell, during an unscheduled trip to Damascus, of a new Arab-Israeli summit.
May 2002 - The US adds Syria to its list of "Axis-of-Evil" states, which
Washington claims are deliberately seeking to develop weapons of mass
destruction.
2003
February 2003 - A third major withdrawal of Syrian troops from Lebanon leaves an
estimated 16,000 troops stationed in that country.
March 2003 - A US-led coalition invades Iraq with the aim of toppling Ba’athist
President Saddam Hussein. Within days, the oil pipeline between Kirkuk in
northern Iraq and the Syrian port of Banyas is destroyed by US forces, cutting
off an estimated 150-200,000 barrels a day of oil into Syria.
President al-Assad criticises the invasion, saying it serves Israel’s interests.
He goes on to predict that the US will be unable to pacify Iraq.
April 2003 - Washington accuses Damascus of aiding the transit of foreign
fighters into Iraq and demands Syrian cooperation.
May 2003 - In Damascus, US Secretary of State Colin Powell says a US war with
Syria is "not on the table," confirming that al-Assad had promised to close the
offices of Palestinian militant groups Islamic Jihad and Hamas.
July 2003 - The UNDP annual Human Rights Development Report on global economic
and social development ranks Syria 110th place –down from 97th in 2001 – out of
175 countries.
September 2003 - The US-led Coalition Provisional Authority in Iraq announces
that 123 of 248 "foreign fighters" captured in the country are Syrian.
October 2003 - Israel attacks an alleged Islamic Jihad camp near Damascus in a
missile attack, its first strike inside Syria since the 1973 war. Syria seeks a
UN resolution condemning the attack, to no avail.
November 2003 - The Syrian Accountability and Lebanese Sovereignty Restoration
Act is passed overwhelmingly on Capitol Hill. The act threatens Damascus with
sanctions if it continues its alleged support of terrorist groups; maintains its
military presence in Lebanon; pursues weapons-of-mass-destruction programmes; or
engages in actions aimed at undermining US efforts to stabilise and rebuild
Iraq.
Syria ranks 155th out of 166 countries in the second annual index on media
freedom, issued by Reporters without Borders, down from 126th previously.
December 2003 - The EU and Syria agree on a free trade agreement worth hundreds
of millions of dollars to Syrian exporters, although the deal has yet to be
ratified by EU member states. US President George Bush signs the Syrian
Accountability Act into law.
2004
February 2004 - A further 120 Islamist and Iraqi Ba’athist political prisoners
are released. President al-Assad abolishes the Economic Security Courts, in
place since 1977, which try defendants under emergency laws that deprive them of
their constitutional rights.
March 2004 - Nearly 100 protesters demanding democratic reform are arrested
outside parliament in Damascus but released soon after. In the north-eastern
city of Qamishli, riots between rival Kurdish and Arab football fans leave 25
people dead after security services intervene. Hundreds of Kurds are imprisoned.
May 2004 - Bush implements selected provisions of the Syrian Accountability Act,
banning all exports to Syria except food and medicine and freezing the US-based
assets of Syrians associated with terrorist organisations; the development of
WMD; the occupation of Lebanon; or efforts to undermine stability in Iraq.
June 2004 - Bush and French President Jacques Chirac meet in Paris to discuss a
possible UN resolution on Syria.
August 2004 - Rafik Hariri, five-time Lebanese prime minister, meets President
al-Assad in Damascus and is told to drop his opposition to Syria’s role in
Lebanese politics. The Lebanese parliament subsequently amends the constitution
to grant Pro-Syrian President Emile Lahoud a three-year extension of his term.
September 2004 - The UN Security Council, led by the US and France, passes
Resolution 1559, calling for a "free and fair election process" in Lebanon, the
disarmament of all Lebanese militias and the withdrawal of "all remaining
foreign forces." Syria subsequently withdraws some 3,000 of its soldiers from
Lebanon, the fifth major redeployment since 2000.
October 2004 - UN Secretary General Kofi Annan singles out the Syrian military
as "the only significant foreign forces deployed in Lebanon," and cites
Damascus’s admission of "a substantial presence of non-uniformed military
intelligence officials" in Lebanon.
On the same day, Druze MP Marwan Hamadi, who had resigned his cabinet post to
protest Lebanese President Lahoud's three-year term extension, is seriously
injured by a car bomb. The bombing represents the first reported assassination
attempt on a senior Lebanese official since 1989.
President al-Assad calls resolution 1559 a "flagrant interference in the affairs
of Lebanon" and denies "Syrian hegemony" in Lebanon.
2005
January 2005 - Waleed Mualem, former ambassador to Washington, is sworn in as
Syria’s Deputy Foreign Minister with a mandate to institutionalise Syria’s role
in Lebanon, taking some control from Rustom Ghazali, Syria’s then head of
security in that country.
February 2005 - Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri is killed, along with 22
others, by a massive explosion in Beirut. On the same day, Asef Shawkat takes
over as head of Syrian Military Intelligence upon the retirement of Hassan al-Khalil.
Hariri's funeral, attended by hundreds of thousands of Lebanese, turns into an
outpouring of anger against Syria, receiving massive coverage in the western
media. Pro-Syrian Lebanese Prime Minister Omar Karami resigns amid the
anti-Syrian furore.
March 2005 - President al-Assad tells parliament that Syrian troops will begin a
complete withdrawal from Lebanon. An estimated 800,000 people, mostly Lebanese
Shi’ites, flood central Beirut in a huge pro-Syrian rally organised by Shi’ite
militia Hezbollah. In Syria, tens of thousands rally in support of their
president’s stance.
Later, more than a million anti-Syrian protestors stage the largest
demonstration in Lebanon's modern history, as Syrian intelligence agents vacate
their Beirut headquarters.
Shortly afterwards, a series of bombs go off in the Christian suburbs of Beirut,
killing three and wounding dozens.
An initial UN fact-finding mission concludes that "the Government of Syria bears
primary responsibility for the political tension that preceded the [Hariri]
assassination."
April 2005 - The UN Security Council issues resolution 1595, which provides for
an independent commission based in Lebanon to assist the Lebanese criminal
investigation into the Hariri killing. The last Syrian soldiers leave Lebanon.
May 2005 - Michel Aoun, a Maronite Christian and staunch rival of Syria, returns
to Beirut after 14 years of exile. The first of a series of parliamentary
elections hand all 19 seats in Beirut to supporters of Sa’ad Hariri, son of the
slain prime minister. Hariri’s block goes on to win 72 out of 128 seats in
parliament.
June 2005 - Samir Qaseer, a prominent anti-Syrian journalist for independent
daily An-Nahar, is killed in a car bombing in Beirut. George Hawi, the Christian
and anti-Syrian former leader of the Lebanese Communist Party, is also killed in
a Beirut car bomb. Both killings are popularly blamed on Damascus, which
staunchly denies responsibility.
July 2005 - Elias Murr, President Lahoud’s son-in-law and a pro-Syrian Defence
Minister and Deputy Prime Minister, survives a bomb attack. The attack is the
first on a pro-Syrian Lebanese official since Resolution 1559 was adopted by the
UN Security Council in 2004.
Later, another bomb explodes on Mono Street, the centre of nightlife in
Christian East Beirut, just hours after the departure of US Secretary of State
Condoleezza Rice.
August 2005 - President al-Assad says Syria has "nothing to do" with the Hariri
assassination, reiterating his certainty that the Syrian security services were
not involved. At the request of a UN investigation headed by German prosecutor
Detlev Mehlis, Lebanese authorities detain four pro-Syrian security chiefs who
served in Lebanon at the time of the killing.
September 2005 - Mehlis meets with Syrian officials responsible for security in
Lebanon. Broadcaster Mae Shadiak, who worked for the Lebanese Broadcasting
Corporation and who presented programmes critical of Syria, is maimed by a car
bomb in Beirut.
October 2005 - The UN Security Council adopts resolution 1636, threatening Syria
with "further action" after noting the conclusion of an initial report by the
Mehlis investigation that that the decision to kill Hariri "could not have been
taken without the approval of top-ranked Syrian security officials."
The resolution demands that Damascus arrest and make available for questioning
suspects in the case. Assef Shawkat, President al-Assad’s brother-in-law and
Head of Syrian Military Intelligence, and Mahar al-Assad, the president’s
brother and head of the powerful Republican Guards, are named in a leaked
version of the report as having planned the assassination.
Shortly afterward, Ghazi Kanaan, Syria’s interior minister and head of
intelligence in Lebanon for two decades, is found dead in his office. A 24-hour
official inquiry by the Attorney General rules the death a suicide.
November 2005 - In a rare, nationally broadcast speech, President al-Assad
strikes a defiant tone: "Resistance has a price and chaos has a price, but the
price of resistance is much less than the price of chaos…If they believe they
can blackmail Syria, we will tell them they have the wrong address," he says.
Some 190 political prisoners, the majority of whom are members of the outlawed
Muslim Brotherhood, are released after a presidential pardon which the state
news agency SANA says is meant to "fortify national unity."
December 2005 - Syria is widely blamed for the killing of Gibran Tueni, the
publisher of An-Nahar, a prominent MP and vocal critic of Syria’s role in
Lebanon, who dies after his car is blown off a mountain pass by a roadside bomb
east of Beirut.
A day later, a second report from UN investigators finds that Syria has burned
intelligence documents relating to Lebanon and attempted to hinder the UN
inquiry. It also finds further evidence of Syrian involvement in the Hariri
assassination.
Five of the six Syrian security officials requested to be interviewed as part of
the inquiry are made available by Damascus.
Former Vice President Abdel-Halim Khaddam goes into exile in Paris, saying that
President al-Assad and other top officials had threatened Hariri before his
death. Damascus denies the claims, condemning Khaddam as a traitor to Syria.
Must-See Hezbollah TV: Part II
The MEMRI Report
By STEVEN STALINSKY
January 11, 2006
One of the most authoritative books written on terrorist groups operating in
America, Steven Emerson's "American Jihad," has asserted that Hezbollah is
active in American cities, including Detroit, Philadelphia, New York, and
Washington, D.C. Most notable was a Hezbollah cell operating in Charlotte, N.C.
It was taken down following an FBI sting in July 2000 whereby 18 people were
charged. According to the indictment, they were guilty of providing training,
communication equipment, and explosives to Hezbollah, "in order to facilitate
its violent attacks."
Hezbollah does maintain an elaborate network in America. Staff from its
television network Al-Manar have lived and been educated here, including a
translator, Mohammad Abdullah, who graduated from the University of
Massachusetts. Al-Manar also reportedly has a Washington-based correspondent
named Muhammad Dalbah.
Al-Manar's Web site, www.manartv.com, is registered in Seattle, Wash., by a
company called eNom, with Internap Network Operations. Previously, the Web site
was hosted in New Jersey. According to a May 31, 2005, report in the St.
Petersburg Times, it was taken down temporarily but was up again a week later
with another provider. Al-Manar Webmaster Mohammed Obeid explained: "Companies
that do hosting for us are getting afraid of the consequences by the U.S."
Anti-American figures are occasionally interviewed on Al-Manar from Washington.
For example, the editor in chief of the Washington-based Middle East Magazine,
Ahmad Yusuf, appeared on December 30, 2004, and said Muslims were not involved
in the attacks of September 11, 2001. He called them a grand scheme designed by
Israelis and American right-wing forces, including "evangelical Christians." He
also said the American government itself attacked Pearl Harbor as an excuse to
enter War World II.
In its broader strategy to reach out to Americans, Al-Manar has been useful to
Hezbollah. During the last two years, delegations from families of victims of
the September 11 attacks, along with members of the Presbyterian Church, have
appeared on the channel in meetings with the terror organization. In one
instance, the deputy leader of Hezbollah, Sheikh Nabil Qauq, called President
Bush's and America's "aggressive inclination a real danger to all monotheistic
religions." A Presbyterian elder, Ronald Stone, stood at Mr. Qauq's side and
said, "We treasure the precious words of Hezbollah and your expression of
goodwill toward the American people."
In May 2004, Al-Manar invited foreign college students studying in Lebanon, from
countries such as Australia, Russia, and America, to participate in a
documentary in support of Hezbollah. Three American students took part,
including an American University of Beirut graduate student, Stephanie Tournear.
She was quoted in the Daily Star as saying, "It's a shame you can't state your
opinion or observations regarding Hezbollah in the U.S." Another American
student who would not be identified said, "I decided not to be involved in the
documentary, as it could have security and employment implications for me upon
return to the U.S."
In an important step in the war on terror, the State Department added Al-Manar
to its "Terrorism Exclusion List" in December 2004 for incitement to terrorism.
Among other things, the designation means that anyone working for or helping the
network can be barred from America.
Yet Al-Manar maintains vocal Arab and Muslim-American supporters. Osama Siblani,
publisher of Dearborn Michigan's Arab American News, which according to its Web
site, "is the largest, oldest, and most respected Arab American newspaper in the
United States" was quoted in the Washington Post as saying, "I disagree with the
State Department that it [Al-Manar] incites violence. ... By that standard, they
should shut Fox News for inciting against Muslims." Texas Muslims for Islamic
Change issued a statement that it was "dismayed at this development and
considers it to be part of the American government's assault on constitutional
rights" adding, "to date we have not seen properly documented evidence brought
forward that would support the State Department's claim that Al-Manar 'preaches
violent and hatred' or 'serves to incite ... terrorist violence.'"
Since it has been put on the State Department's terror list, the station has
continued to attack America, describing it as a "plague" with commentators
calling for jihad against the country. As Hezbollah's leader, Sheikh Nasrallah,
declared to a rally of thousands yelling "Death to America," covered live on
Al-Manar in February 2005: "We consider the current administration an enemy of
our [Islamic] nation. ... Our motto, which we are not afraid to repeat year
after year is 'Death to America.'" Next week's column will focus on
anti-American incitement on Al-Manar.
**Mr. Stalinsky is the executive director of the Middle East Media Research
Institute.
Lebanon's bishops urge government leaders to strive
for stability
Posted on January 12, 2006
Lebanon's Maronite Catholic bishops urged government officials to work toward
strengthening stability in the country and said recent allegations about Syria's
involvement in the assassination of a former Lebanese leader demonstrate the
strong influence Syrian intelligence and military have wielded in Lebanon.
"The series of bomb explosions and assassinations which occurred in Lebanon last
year spread a heavy atmosphere of fear and caution throughout the country," said
the Maronite Council of Bishops in a statement following their monthly meeting.
"The Lebanese authorities should exert their utmost to resolve this atmosphere,
which has greatly damaged the country on all levels, especially the economy."
The bishops also referred to the recent statements made by a former Syrian vice
president alleging that Syrian President Bashar Al-Assad had personally
threatened former Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri before Hariri's
assassination.
The bishops said the allegation "brought to light the great effect which the
Syrian military and intelligence presence had in shaking the bases upon which
stands the Lebanese state. Nevertheless, it is a statement which should inspire
the authorities in both countries to establish true relations that will yield a
benefit for both peoples." The council also denounced the crises in Lebanon's
Parliament, in which Shiite ministers suspended their participation in the
government in early December to protest a call for an international
investigation into the assassinations targeting anti-Syrian political figures
and journalists. This "is not a sign of health," the bishops said. "It shows
that official institutions in the country are not working properly, as commanded
by duty and realism".
" They urged an agreement "for the benefit of the whole homeland." Commenting on
the economic crises in Lebanon, the bishops urged officials to "seriously
address the economic situation, the living conditions and the decrease in job
opportunities." The country cannot afford this, the bishops said, "as long as
the security situation is a failure and does not inspire tranquility." They also
appealed to the authorities to rely on competence rather than nepotism in
appointing officials. "Let us strengthen our internal unity and establish our
relations among ourselves and with our neighbors, to whom many historical and
geographical links attach us," the bishops said.
Rice issues stern warning to Syria
Thursday 12 January 2006
The United States has threatened to take Syria back before the UN Security
Council if it does not help the international inquiry into the murder of Rafiq
al-Hariri, the former Lebanese prime minister.
Condoleezza Rice, the US secretary of state, issued a stern new warning on
Wednesday to the Damascus government as Belgian prosecutor Serge Brammertz took
charge of the UN investigation into the assassination of al-Hariri in Beirut in
February 2005.
Rice launched a broad attack on Syria, accusing it of creating an "atmosphere of
fear" in Lebanon to maintain its influence in its small neighbour.
"The United States has grave and continuing concerns about Syria's destabilising
behaviour and sponsorship of terrorism," she said in a statement.
Rice said Syria has "failed" to implement five UN Security Council resolutions
over the assassination.
"Syria must cease obstructing the investigation into the assassination of former
Lebanese prime minister Hariri and instead cooperate fully and unconditionally,
as required by UN Security Council resolutions."
No compromises
Rice continued: "We call upon the Syrian regime to respond positively to the
requests of UN Independent International Investigation (UNIIIC). We intend to
refer this matter back to the Security Council if Syrian obstruction continues.
"The United States stands firmly with the people of Lebanon in rejecting any
deals or compromises that would undermine the UNIIC investigation, or relieve
Syria of its obligations under UN Security Council resolutions.
Rice mentioned Gebran Tueni'skilling in her speech on Syria
"We are firmly committed to seeking justice and pursuing the investigation to
its ultimate conclusion."
The UN investigation has already implicated Syrian officials in the killing but
this has been strongly denied by the Damascus government.
Also on Wednesday, Kofi Annan, the UN secretary-general, named Serge Brammertz,
43, as the new head of UNIIIC after a meeting with the Belgian prosecutor.
Brammertz, currently deputy prosecutor at the International Criminal Court (ICC),
replaces German investigator Detlev Mehlis in charge of the inquiry.
UN mission
A UN spokesman said Brammertz would head to Beirut "as soon as is practicable"
and that Annan would soon send a mission to Lebanon to help authorities
"identify the nature and scope of the international assistance needed for those
charged with the crime to be tried by a tribunal of an international character".
Mehlis has released two reports on the murder in Beirut, implicating Syrian and
Lebanese intelligence officers and casting doubt on Damascus' cooperation with
the UN probe.
Mehlis said Syria was behind al- Hariri's murder last year In an interview with
a Lebanese newspaper last month, he unequivocally accused Syria of being behind
the car bombing that killed al-Hariri last year.
Last month, the Security Council passed a resolution endorsing a six-month
extension of the murder probe and renewing its call for Syria's full cooperation
with the investigation.
The resolution also authorised technical assistance to Lebanon to help
authorities probe recent murders of anti-Syrian politicians.The other murders
were referred to by Rice when she accused Syria of seeking to maintain its
influence in Lebanon.
Continuing assasinations
Rice said: "Continuing assassinations in Lebanon of opponents of Syrian
domination, including most recently the murder of journalist and member of
parliament Gebran Tueni on December 12, 2005, create an atmosphere of fear that
Syria uses to intimidate Lebanon.
"Syria must cease this intimidation and immediately come into compliance with
all relevant Security Council resolutions," she said. "The United States stands
firmly with the people of Lebanon in rejecting any deals or compromises that
would undermine the UNIIC investigation"
Rice also reaffirmed calls for the implementation of UN resolution 1559, which
includes the disarmament and disbanding of Hizb Allah and other militias.
"Syria's continuing provision of arms and other support to Hizb Allah and
Palestinian terrorist groups serves to destabilise Lebanon, makes possible
terrorist attacks within Lebanon, from Lebanese territory, and impedes the full
implementation of Security Council resolutions," she said.
"As Resolution 1559 demands, Syria must once and for all end its interference in
the internal affairs of Lebanon."
Saudi Chains of Oppression
By Jamie Glazov-FrontPageMagazine.com | January 11, 2006
Frontpage Interview’s guest today is Dr. Ali H. Alyami, Executive Director of
The Center for Democracy and Human Rights in Saudi Arabia in Washington, DC.
FP: Dr. Ali H. Alyami, welcome to Frontpage Interview.
Alyami: Thanks for inviting me, Jamie
FP: Your Center is doing impressive work in informing the public and our leaders
about the current situation in Saudi Arabia and in working toward a new
democratic political structure for that country.
I would like to talk to you today about the Saudi tyranny and the steps that can
be taken to democratize the nation in a real way. First, let’s talk a bit about
your background. You were born and raised in Saudi Arabia. Tell us a bit about
your youth and how it shaped your intellectual journey.
Alyami: I was born into a semi-nomadic environment. Life was tough, but rich in
values. There were no schools to speak of at the time, so learning was very
limited. There were no role models to emulate either.
FP: Ok, expand a bit on your experiences and observations growing up in Saudi
Arabia – especially in terms of the place of women in the society.
Alyami: I grew up in the southern part of the country. Women were working
alongside men. They did not wear the dark abayah, the black cloak. Women did not
cover their faces and girls did not cover their hair before they get married.
There were lively gender interactions, discussions, consultations, sharing of
ideas and very relaxed social mingling.
This environment started to change when the Saudi-Wahhabi men strengthened their
presence and implemented their austere religious and tyrannical political rules
on the southern region. The exclusion of Saudi women from the decision-making
process and participation in the building of their country’s institutions,
especially the educational curriculum, is one of the reasons extremist
ideologues teach school children hate of other people, their religions and
democratic values.
FP: Tell us a bit about the Wahhabis and why they were able to gain power and
why they are so influential today.
Alyami: Wahhabism is a revisionist religious movement predicated on the austere
Hanbali brand of Islam. The movement was named after its religious extremist
founder, Mohammed Ibn Abdul Wahhab who was infatuated with religious domination
under the guise of purifying Muslims whom he believed to have had strayed too
far from the straight path. Abdul Wahhab heard of a prominent chief of a small
tribe in Nejd, Central Arabia, by the name of Mohammed Ibn Saud who was aspiring
for an economic and political domination over the areas of Arabia where trade,
agriculture, and water were thriving and in abundance in comparison with the
arid and poor areas of his region.
The two men formed an alliance (in or around 1744) with the intent of conquering
other tribes, confiscate their land, convert them to Wahhabism, and kill those
who resisted. From what is known about the Saudi-Wahhabi religious, economic,
and political movement, its executers left a trail of death, looting and
destruction. After almost two hundred years of wars with other tribes, the
Saudi-Wahhabi allies prevailed and declared their state in 1932 which they named
after the Saudi clan, Saudi Arabia. The Saudi wing was given the authority over
the economic, political and security operation and the Wahhabis were put in
charge of the religious, social and educational institutions. This division of
powers between two clans and their total control over every aspect of the Saudi
people's lives are the biggest obstacle to political participation, empowerment
of women and development of democratic and tolerant institutions.
FP: What is the impulse to marginalize and disempower women? What are its
sources? And why do you think misogyny is so inter-related with tyranny in
general?
Alyami: Without defending or justifying the Saudi system of the dehumanization
and nationalization of women, subjugation of women existed through human
history. Misogyny comes from “misein” a Greek term for hate of women “gyne.”
Discriminations against and humiliation of women can be found in every major
religious books and in every culture, but nothing is as severe, destructive and
damaging as the Saudi-Wahhabi inhumane exclusion of women, especially at this
stage of human history. The sources of the exclusion of Saudi women can be found
in religion, tradition and man fear of women empowerment. Sadly, in the Saudi
state, segregation of and discrimination against women are institutionalized and
reinforced on daily basis.
Contrary to the Saudi ruling family's repugnant claims that the causes of
marginalizing Saudi women is religious and tradition; it is more economic and
political plot. It's divide, conquer, turn the population against each other and
exonerate the system of its full responsibilities toward all of its citizens.
The government's owned and operated political, educational, social, religious
and economic institutions are designed to deny women the rights to be treated as
full citizens.
FP: What kind of democratic reforms are badly needed in Saudi Arabia today?
Alyami: There needs to be transformation of the Saudi political, economic,
religious, social, and educational institutions. Presently, all powers and
pillars of oppression reside in the hands of the Saudi ruling family and its
religious extremist supporters. Without public active political participation,
the same extremists will keep doing what they have done for the last eighty
years and the results will be devastating for the people of Saudi Arabia, the
Middle East and the international community, especially the US.
FP: Would you say that the roots of the terror war reside in Saudi Arabia?
Alyami: Ideologically, I would say Saudi Arabia is the major source of terror
incitements and probably financing. Even though, the Saudi government, ruling
princes, have deleted some anti-Semitic and anti-Christian hate phrases from its
school curriculum, the fact remains that hate for non-Muslims and Muslim
minorities are very strong in Saudi schools, mosques, media and living rooms.
Without drastic political, educational, economic transformation of all Saudi
institutions and empowerment of women, Saudi Arabia will remain the hotbed for
extremism, terrorism and incitements.
FP: Is Saudi reform today real or artificial? Is it designed for political
participation or to strengthen the status quo?
Alyami: The Saudi reform is mostly done to appease the system’s critics,
especially the US, whose intense pressure is necessary if any meaningful reforms
in Saudi Arabia are to take place. The Saudi reforms hitherto have been
artificial, meaningless, misleading and designed to strengthen the status quo
and neutralize the Saudi reformers’ efforts to expose the tyrannical policies of
the Saudi ruling princes. An example of the Saudi reform duplicity is the
partial municipal elections, which ended in April 2004. Only half of the
candidates were allowed to run for office. The other half is to be chosen by the
government. The government scrutinized all candidates and anyone who was
perceived to be a potential non-conformist was eliminated.
The voted-in candidates were elected by less than 10% of the population. This is
because women were barred from voting and so was everyone below the age of 21,
the arms and security forces. The 10% who were allowed to vote are mostly
members of the society who have already bought into and support the system as
is. The elected candidates were told to wait until the government decides what
to do with them. They waited for eight months and were told that they can only
be another government’s observers. They have no power to enact and laws or even
ask for anything from the central or local government officials. They were
assigned the tough job of sending their complaints to the proper authorities. In
short, the government created another agency to strengthen its grip on every
corner of the country.
In Washington and in European capitals, the elections in Saudi Arabia were a
milestone of more good things to fellow. This optimism is based on wishful
thinking and avoidance of calling the Saudi elections by their true name,
deceptive, flawed and designed to paint a positive image of a system that is
anti-democracy and among the most violators of basic human rights. All a person
has to do is look at the Mijles al-Shurah, Consultative Council. It was
established in the early 90s and still yet to be anything other than a rubber
stamp. It has no power to do anything other than meeting and praising the king
and his family.
FP: Paint us a portrait of the persecution and oppression women in Saudi Arabia
suffer today.
Alyami: The best person to be asked would be a Saudi woman. However, most Saudi
women are still considered property. They still have to get male approval to
travel, to open a bank account, to visit neighbors and even to deliver their
babies in hospitals. Only six percent of able Saudi women are working in
segregated areas and are not allowed to work at night for fear of sexual
encounters.
FP: If you were to give the Bush administration advice on policy toward Saudi
Arabia what would you recommend?
Alyami: Contrary to President Bush's bashers, he of all American Presidents has
been able to change the political landscape in the Arab and Muslim countries.
There is no more evidence of this than in Saudi Arabia. Bush’s public pressure
on the Saudi princes to share power with their oppressed citizens have empowered
Saudi democratic men and women reformers to speak up and demand fundamental
changes in their politically stagnant society. My recommendation would be to
continue public demands and pressure on the Saudi ruling family to share power
with educated, democratic and tolerant Saudi men and women or step aside and let
the people rule themselves. There are alternatives to the present system that
can be put in place. Millions of educated Saudi citizens are capable of doing
superior a job than the geriatric and uneducated princes who are in charge now.
FP: Mr. Alyami, thank you for joining us today and keep up the great work.
Alyami: Thank you for having me and for your interest in the important
educational work the Center for Democracy and Human rights in Saudi Arabia is
doing.
***Jamie Glazov is Frontpage Magazine's managing editor. He holds a Ph.D. in
History with a specialty in Soviet Studies. He edited and wrote the introduction
to David Horowitz’s new book Left Illusions. He is also the co-editor (with
David Horowitz) of the new book The Hate America Left and the author of Canadian
Policy Toward Khrushchev’s Soviet Union (McGill-Queens University Press, 2002)
and 15 Tips on How to be a Good Leftist. To see his previous symposiums,
interviews and articles Click Here. Email him at jglazov@rogers.com.
Syria In Their Sights
The neocons plan their next “cakewalk.”
Robert Dreyfuss
January 16, 2006 Issue
Copyright © 2006 The American Conservative
It’s happening again. It all sounds depressingly familiar, and it is. The Bush
administration accuses the leader of a major Arab country of supporting
terrorism and harboring weapons of mass destruction. The stable of
neoconservative pundits begins beating the drums of war. American forces begin
massing on the country’s border, amid ominous talk of cross-border attacks. Top
U.S. officials warn that American patience with the country’s leader is running
out, and the United States imposes economic sanctions unilaterally. There are
threats about taking the whole thing to the United Nations Security Council.
And, in Washington, an exile leader with questionable credentials begins making
the rounds of official Washington and finds doors springing open at the
Pentagon, the National Security Council, and at Elizabeth Cheney’s shop at the
State Department.
This time it is Syria. The pressure is on, and it will likely get a lot worse
very soon. On Dec. 15, the second installment of the report by a UN team
investigating the assassination of former Lebanese Prime Minister Rafiq Hariri
is delivered. The first report, released in October, implicated several members
of President Bashar Assad’s family in the Hariri murder, though without hard
evidence. It would be wrong, however, to see the Bush administration’s campaign
against Syria only through the lens of the Hariri case. Like the attack on Iraq,
it is a longstanding vendetta.
Three years ago, the U.S. invasion of Iraq was widely viewed as the first
chapter of a region-wide strategy to redraw the entire map of the Middle East.
After Iraq, Syria and Iran would be the next targets, after which the oil-rich
states of the Arabian Gulf, including Saudi Arabia, would follow. It was a
policy driven by neoconservatives in and out of the Bush administration, and
they didn’t exactly make an effort to keep it secret. In April 2003, in an
article in The American Prospect entitled "Just the Beginning," I wrote, "Those
who think that U.S. armed forces can complete a tidy war in Iraq, without the
battle spreading beyond Iraq’s borders, are likely to be mistaken." The article
quoted various neocon strategists who sought precisely that. Among them was
Michael Ledeen, the arch-Machiavellian and Iran-Contra manipulator-in-chief, who
argued from his perch at the American Enterprise Institute: "I think we’re going
to be obliged to fight a regional war, whether we want to or not. As soon as we
land in Iraq, we’re going to face the whole terrorist network. It may turn out
to be a war to remake the world."
Since then, of course, the conventional wisdom has evolved in a rather different
direction. As the war in Iraq bogged down, and as a public outcry developed
against the neoconservatives over the bungled war, the belief took hold that the
United States had bitten off more than it could chew in Iraq—so that Syria,
Iran, and the rest of President Bush’s evildoers can rest easy. According to
this theory, the United States no longer has the stomach, or the capability, to
spread the war beyond Iraq as originally intended. Our troops are stretched too
thin, our allies are reining us in, and cooler heads are prevailing in
Washington—or so the theory goes.
But the news from Syria shows that the conventional wisdom is wrong. The United
States is indeed pursuing a hard-edged regime-change strategy for Syria. And it
isn’t necessarily going to be a Cold War—in fact, it could well get very hot
very soon. In Washington, analysts disagree over exactly how far the Bush
administration is willing to go in pursuing its goal of overthrowing the Assad
government. In the view of Flynt Leverett, a former CIA Syria analyst now at the
Brookings Institution, the White House favors a kind of slow-motion toppling. In
a forum at Brookings, Leverett, author of Inheriting Syria: Bashar’s Trial by
Fire, announced his conclusion that Bush was pursuing "regime change on the
cheap" in Syria. But others disagree, and believe that Syria could indeed be the
next Iraq. For neoconservatives, 'tis a consummation devoutly to be wished. For
the rest of us—watching the war in Iraq unfold in horror, lurching toward
breakup and civil war—the prospect ought to be both tragic and alarming.
Having ridded itself of one of its own inside neoconservatives, reporter Judith
Miller—who once co-authored a book with the always apoplectic Laurie Mylroie,
the originator of the novel idea that Saddam Hussein was behind the 1995
Oklahoma City bombing—the New York Times now warns correctly that any chance for
positive change in Syria can only occur "if President Bush rejects the counsel
of neoconservative advisers who have learned nothing from Iraq and now dream of
overthrowing Mr. Assad with unilateral force." So far, at least, there is no
sign that the president has rejected them at all.
The fall of the Assad regime could open Syria, and the region, to widespread
instability. "No one knows what is going to come out of it," says Wayne White,
the former deputy director of the State Department’s Bureau of Intelligence and
Research on Middle East issues. "It’s making me nervous. What, exactly, is
'Syria’? There are cleavages there. The place could just break up." White says
that no one knows the extent to which Sunni Islamic radicals have organized
themselves in Syria, especially through the Muslim Brotherhood. "There could be
a lot more Islamic militancy there than we’re aware of."
For Assad, none of this is exactly a surprise. On March 1, 2003, as U.S. forces
massed for the attack on Iraq, Assad addressed an emergency summit meeting of
the Arab League. "We are all targeted," he said. "We are all in danger."
On Oct. 6, in his saber-rattling declaration of war against "Islamofascism,"
President Bush not-so-subtly warned Syria that it might be next. "State sponsors
[of terrorism] like Syria and Iran have a long history of collaboration with
terrorists, and they deserve no patience from the victims of terror," said Bush,
speaking to the National Endowment for Democracy. "The United States makes no
distinction between those who commit acts of terror and those who support and
harbor them, because they’re equally as guilty of murder. Any government that
chooses to be an ally of terror has also chosen to be an enemy of civilization.
And the civilized world must hold those regimes to account." Echoing Bush, U.S.
Ambassador to Iraq Zalmay Khalilzad warned bluntly that "our patience is running
out with Syria," and like other U.S. officials Khalilzad blamed the Assad
government for America’s troubles in Iraq.
Just before the president spoke, according to Knight Ridder, senior Bush
administration officials met in a high-level powwow to discuss U.S. options for
dealing with Syria. Among the alternatives reportedly discussed at the meeting
was "limited military action," and despite the fact that intelligence on Syria’s
actual role in supporting the resistance in Iraq is hazy at best, the story, by
reporter Warren Strobel, revealed that "one option under consideration was
bombing several villages 30 to 40 miles inside Syria that some officials believe
have been harboring Iraqi insurgents." On Oct. 15, the New York Times reported
that the Bush administration was threatening "hot pursuit" and other attacks
into Syrian territory. It added, "A series of clashes in the last year between
American and Syrian troops, including a prolonged firefight this summer that
killed several Syrians, has raised the prospect that cross-border military
operations may become a dangerous new front in the Iraq war, according to
current and former military and government officials."
Over the past several weeks, U.S. forces in Iraq have conducted massive air and
ground attacks in cities along the Iraq-Syria border, in a sweeping offensive in
advance of the Dec. 15 election in Iraq. In Syria—whose military is already in
turmoil over its hurried evacuation from Lebanon and whose government is rattled
to the core because of charges that top Syrian officials may have been involved
in the assassination of former Lebanese Prime Minister Hariri—the prospect of a
second front along its eastern border is raising alarm. Although intelligence
analysts assert that Syria could weather a series of limited strikes along its
border without undue consequences for the regime, in fact such attacks could
have unforeseen results, even if they don’t presage a wider war by the United
States. Still, in his Washington Post online column "Early Warning," William M.
Arkin wrote on Nov. 8 that the U.S. Central Command has been "directed by
Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld to prepare a 'strategic concept’ for Syria,
the first step in the creation of a full-fledged war plan."
The wider war that the Bush administration seems to be pursuing was telegraphed
long ago by the various neocon pundits and prognosticators. Charles Krauthammer
used his Washington Post column in March to suggest that the way to advance the
"glorious, delicate, revolutionary moment in the Middle East" is to go after
Syria. "This is no time to listen to the voices of tremulousness, indecision,
compromise, and fear," he wrote. Instead, the Bush administration’s commitment
to spreading democracy should take it "through Beirut to Damascus." William
Kristol, editor of The Weekly Standard and co-author of The War in Iraq ("The
mission begins in Baghdad, but it does not end there"), helpfully suggested some
options that the Bush administration is clearly thinking about now. In The
Weekly Standard last year, Kristol wrote, "We could bomb Syrian military
facilities; we could go across the border in force to stop infiltration; we
could occupy the town of Abu Kamal in eastern Syria, a few miles from the
border, which seems to be the planning and organizing center for Syrian
activities in Iraq; we could covertly help or overtly support the Syrian
opposition. ... It’s time to get serious about dealing with Syria as part of
winning in Iraq, and in the broader Middle East."
All that is consistent with the neocons’ long-held view about Syria and the
region. For years they’ve been calling for regime change in Syria, which was a
major target in the now infamous paper written a decade ago by Richard Perle,
Douglas Feith, David Wurmser, and others entitled "A Clean Break: A New Strategy
for Securing the Realm," prepared as a study-group project for Israel’s Prime
Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. In it, the authors called for "striking Syrian
military targets in Lebanon, and should that prove insufficient, striking at
select targets in Syria proper" as a "prelude to a redrawing of the map of the
Middle East which would threaten Syria’s territorial integrity." Wurmser, a
former AEI Middle East specialist, played a key role in the Pentagon’s Office of
Special Plans, which helped Vice President Cheney and Secretary of Defense
Donald Rumsfeld manufacture false intelligence to justify the war in Iraq.
Wurmser is currently an aide on Vice President Cheney’s national-security staff.
In 1997, the same circle—Perle, Feith, Ledeen, Wurmser, et al.—created the U.S.
Committee for a Free Lebanon. The USCFL—like the Committee for the Liberation of
Iraq, which involved the same cast of characters—lobbied hard for the so-called
Syria Accountability and Lebanese Sovereignty Act (SALSA), which was passed by
Congress and signed into law in 2003. It was SALSA that set into motion the Bush
administration’s current squeeze on Syria, beginning with limited U.S. economic
sanctions on Damascus triggered by the act. One of the chief problems with
SALSA, which was opposed by just about all of the foreign-policy professionals
in the State Department and among Middle East experts, is that it created a
slow-motion confrontation with Syria precisely at the moment when the United
States most needed Syrian co-operation both in the war against Osama bin Laden’s
al-Qaeda and in helping to stabilize Iraq. "In Iraq, the two countries we most
need the help of are Syria and Iran," says Chas W. Freeman. "We’re not trying to
involve them. We’re trying to up the ante by confronting Syria and Iran."
Wesley Clark, a retired Army general who served as supreme allied commander in
Europe, wants to see the United States engage Syria in a diplomatic dialogue.
"The very last thing we need to do is to engage in hot-pursuit raids into
Syria," he says.
The fact is, after 2001, Syria worked closely with the United States in tracking
down al-Qaeda cells and, according to former U.S. intelligence officials, Syrian
intelligence was very helpful. (Perhaps even too helpful, since the United
States apparently "rendered" suspects captured in the war on terrorism to
Damascus for less-than-civil interrogation by Syrian authorities.) "In the
aftermath of 9/11, Syria provided the United States with actionable intelligence
on al Qaeda affiliates, as administration officials publicly acknowledge," wrote
Flynt Leverett, the former CIA Syria expert. "While I was serving on the
National Security Council, this information let U.S. and allied authorities
thwart planned operations that, had they been carried out, would have resulted
in the deaths of Americans."
Even after the war in Iraq, while some U.S. officials threatened Syria for its
alleged, but unproven, support for Iraqi resistance groups, other U.S. officials
worked to establish better relations between Washington and Damascus. It isn’t
hard to guess which was which: the Bush administration’s neocons wanted a
showdown with Syria, while the realists at the CIA and the State Department
sought a settlement. The prospects of a U.S.-Syria deal reached their high-water
mark in September 2004. During that period, top U.S. officials, including
William Burns of the State Department, visited Syria to talk about getting
Syria’s help in shutting down the Syria-Iraq border, establishing joint
U.S.-Syrian border patrols, and providing Syria with high-tech surveillance gear
to help stop the infiltration of Islamist radicals into Iraq. There were rumors
everywhere, too, about Syrian-Israeli peace talks over the Israeli-occupied
Golan Heights. And Secretary of State Colin Powell, visiting the region, went so
far as to praise what he saw as "positive" news from Syria. "I sense," he said,
"a new attitude from the Syrians." So obvious was the effort that Time magazine
published a story entitled "Cozying Up to Syria," an idea that seems quaint now.
That all came to a crashing end a few days later after an assassination that
stunned the world—no, not Hariri’s, but the murder of Izzedine Sheik Khalil, a
top official of Hamas, apparently by Israel’s Mossad, in a huge car bomb in
Damascus. It was the latest in a string of Israeli provocations against Syria,
including the killing of a Hamas leader in Beirut, an Israeli air force strike
at a Palestinian training camp outside Damascus, and Israeli overflights that
buzzed the Assad family’s home in Latakia. Not without reason, Syria’s Foreign
Minister Farouq Sharaa charged that the Israeli assassination was meant
specifically to disrupt the progress in U.S.-Syrian relations. And so it did.
Not coincidentally, the end of the thaw in relations between Washington and
Damascus occurred as the UN Security Council passed Resolution 1559, aimed at
putting pressure on Syria to end its presence in Lebanon. Along with SALSA,
Resolution 1559—which followed a stupid and clumsy attempt by Assad to extend
the presidency of the pro-Syrian President Emile Lahoud of Lebanon—set into
motion the train of events that led to Hariri’s assassination on Valentine’s Day
2005. By October 2004, a full-blown crisis between the United States and Syria
was underway. Even the Washington Post began calling for war. "Syria’s
government has been a longtime sponsor of terrorism, a stockpiler of missiles
and chemical weapons, and an unapologetic ally of Islamic extremists; it has
allowed hundreds, if not thousands, of insurgents to stream across its borders
to fight U.S. forces in Iraq," thundered the Post, though utterly wrong about
nearly every one of its charges. Concluded the Post, the United States could no
longer tolerate Syria and had to consider "breaking off of relations [and]
military retaliation."
Since then, the United States has moved closer and closer to war with Syria. In
this history-as-farce rerun of the war with Iraq, there is even a Syrian Ahmad
Chalabi, namely Farid al-Ghadry, the founder of the exile Reform Party of Syria,
which is mixing it up with a varying cast of characters among Syrian exiles and
reformers, from those with democratic ideals all the way to Syria’s Muslim
Brotherhood. Earlier this year, Ghadry and a cohort of allies won an audience
with a gaggle of top U.S. officials from the State Department, the National
Security Council, and the Defense Department.
Virtually no one believes that Ghadry, a U.S. businessman, has any future in
Syria. But the astonishing thing about the Bush administration’s destabilization
of the Syrian regime is that no one in Washington has any idea who or what might
emerge to replace Assad’s government. Asked to guess, most intelligence analysts
throw up their hands. Some argue that the most likely heir to a post-Assad Syria
would be the Muslim Brotherhood, an underground secret society that has long
been at war with the regime in Syria, ever since President Hafez Assad
inaugurated a new constitution in the early 1970s that proclaimed Syria to be a
secular, socialist republic. But Syria, a nation of just 18 million people, has
as many as two million Christians, two million Kurds, and many other non-Sunni
minorities—including the ruling Alawite group, to which the family of the
president and his chief backers belong. As a result, Syria would not be ruled
easily by Muslim Brotherhood-style Islamists.
Meanwhile, the UN investigation into Hariri’s murder is a ticking time bomb for
Assad. Already beset by the conflict with Israel, the war in Iraq, and a crisis
in Lebanon, Bashar Assad will have to summon all the wiliness of his late father
to survive the next few months. In an interview with CNN’s Christiane Amanpour—who,
in parroting the White House line, seemed to be auditioning to reprise the role
of Judy Miller in this Middle East war—Assad plaintively pointed out that there
is little that Syria can do to stop insurgents from crossing the long desert
border between Syria and Iraq, and he added that the United States had failed to
control the Iraqi side. "There is nobody on the Iraqi side, neither Americans
nor Iraqis," said Assad. (Amanpour was unmoved. "Why cannot your forces go house
to house? Why cannot you actively stop this, close it down?") "We are interested
in a more stable Iraq," insisted Assad. "[The United States] only talks about a
stable Iraq, but the mistakes they make there every day give the opposite
result."
Imad Moustapha, Syria’s ambassador to the United States, told the Boston Globe
in November that the United States recently refused yet another proposal from
Syria to revive co-operation with Damascus on intelligence. "What we see in
general is an administration that is categorically refusing to engage with Syria
on any level," said Moustapha. "We see an administration that would really love
to see another crisis in the Middle East, this time targeting Syria. ... Even
before the Iraq war started, they had this grand vision for the Middle East."
Less grand is the vision of Bill O’Reilly, the Fox News host, who ripped a page
from Pat Robertson’s assassination handbook. "It’s Bashar’s life," said O’Reilly
on Oct. 5. "I mean, we could take his life, and we should take his life if he
doesn’t help us out."
_______________________________________________
Robert Dreyfuss is the author of Devil’s Game: How the United States Helped
Unleash Fundamentalist Islam. He covers national security for Rolling Stone and
writes frequently for The American Prospect, The Nation, and Mother Jones.