LCCC ENGLISH DAILY NEWS
BULLETIN
April 4/2007
Bible Reading of the day
Holy Gospel of Jesus Christ according to Saint John
13,21-33.36-38. When he had said this, Jesus was deeply troubled and testified,
"Amen, amen, I say to you, one of you will betray me." The disciples looked at
one another, at a loss as to whom he meant. One of his disciples, the one whom
Jesus loved, was reclining at Jesus' side. So Simon Peter nodded to him to find
out whom he meant. He leaned back against Jesus' chest and said to him, "Master,
who is it?" Jesus answered, "It is the one to whom I hand the morsel after I
have dipped it." So he dipped the morsel and (took it and) handed it to Judas,
son of Simon the Iscariot. After he took the morsel, Satan entered him. So Jesus
said to him, "What you are going to do, do quickly." (Now) none of those
reclining at table realized why he said this to him. Some thought that since
Judas kept the money bag, Jesus had told him, "Buy what we need for the feast,"
or to give something to the poor. So he took the morsel and left at once. And it
was night. When he had left, Jesus said, "Now is the Son of Man glorified, and
God is glorified in him. (If God is glorified in him,) God will also glorify him
in himself, and he will glorify him at once. My children, I will be with you
only a little while longer. You will look for me, and as I told the Jews, 'Where
I go you cannot come,' so now I say it to you. Simon Peter said to him, "Master,
where are you going?" Jesus answered (him), "Where I am going, you cannot follow
me now, though you will follow later." Peter said to him, "Master, why can't I
follow you now? I will lay down my life for you."
Jesus answered, "Will you lay down your life for me? Amen, amen, I say to you,
the cock will not crow before you deny me three times."
Free Opinions
Islam's War in Lebanon Against Christians-FrontPage magazine.com.
March 04/07
No Victory for Any Party in Lebanon-Al-Jazeerah.info. March 04/07
Iraq's Christians Flock to Lebanon-TIME.March 04/07
Latest News Reports From
Miscellaneous sources April 04/07
Jumblat: International
Tribunal under Chapter 7 is 'Available Option'-Naharnet
Legislators Avoid Showdown in Parliament-Naharnet
Lebanon house speaker again refuses to open session, deepening
crisis-International Herald Tribune
House Speaker Pelosi Arrives in
Syria-Washington Post
Pelosi's Syria Trip Undermines US Policy,
Says Expert
Syrian Court to Sentence Bunni for
Beirut-Damascus Offence-Naharnet
Israel Says
Iran, Syria and Hezbollah Are Preparing For War With US-All Headline News
Combat against Religionist Terrorism in Turkey:
Al Qaeda and ...Journal of Turkish Weekly
General Assembly approves financing for United
Nations missions in ...ReliefWeb (press release)
Merkel urges Syria to prevent arms smuggling
into Lebanon-People's Daily Online
Pelosi Shrugs Off White House Criticism-WTOP
Korean Troops Heading for Lebanon in June-Chosun
Ilbo
US House of Representatives Leader Visits
Lebanon, Defends Trip to ...Voice of America
ROUNDUP: Merkel Concludes Visit To Lebanon-Playfuls.com
Howells: Political Impasse in Beirut, re-growth
in South Lebanon-Ya Libnan
Olmert speaks out-Ynetnews
Merkel to Syria: stop arms flow to Lebanon-Gulf
Times
Latest News Reports From
The Daily Star for April 03/07
MP refuses to turn blind eye on corruption
Pelosi stresses dialogue with Syria as medicine for
what ails Lebanon
March 14 Forces expand talk of Chapter 7 option
Merkel throws German weight behind creation of Hariri
tribunal
UN sources say Ban preparing special report on
Lebanon
Gemayel says tribunal will 'likely' be under Chapter
7
Adwan says court, unity government must progress
along separate tracks
Siniora sets schedule for Latin Easter holidays
Political dispute leads to gunplay in Chouf
Iranian envoy says solution must be 'made in Lebanon'
Qabbani calls for politics to be kept in its place
Court orders Israeli panel on conduct of war to
explain partial publication
Women plan ride for peace and solidarity
Martyrs Fund beneficiaries protest stoppage of money
LU announces indefinite suspension of elections
Initial work on Sidon dump gets under way
Environmentalists say ministry failed to prepare for
spill
Legislators Avoid Showdown in Parliament
Pro-government legislators and opposition lawmakers rallied in parliament on
Tuesday, avoiding a feared showdown over an international tribunal to try
suspects in the 2005 assassination of former Premier Rafik Hariri. Deputy House
Speaker Farid Makari, reading a written statement, pleaded with Parliament
Speaker Nabih Berri to convene the house to ratify the U.N.-backed court. Makari
said the presence of more than two-thirds of the parliament's members on Tuesday
"remains amputated and hindered" because of Berri's alleged determination not to
convene the legislature. "The reason for the closure of parliament has become
clear in the eyes of the Lebanese, the Arabs and the world," Makari said. "There
is an ethical and national issue put forward in Parliament, it is the
international tribunal issue."Makari's lenient move, which avoided any criticism
of Berri, a ranking figure in the Hizbullah-led opposition, defused tension in
the house between anti and pro-government MPs. The opposition hit back at
pro-government legislators, saying only a national unity cabinet was the
solution to Lebanon's political crisis.
A statement read by MP Nabil Nicola, member of Gen. Michel Aoun's parliamentary
bloc which is part of the opposition, accused the majority of plotting a "coup"
against the constitution and "aborting chances" of a settlement. The daily An
Nahar on Tuesday said majority MPs were to step up pressure on Berri, urging him
to convene a parliament session. The paper said that opposition legislators, on
the other hand, were to mobilize a counter-demonstration under the emblem: to
"protect the house speaker." An Nahar said the majority deputies were also
expected to sign a petition to be referred to U.N. chief Ban Ki-moon and the
Arab League secretariat general as well as to Saudi Arabia.
The daily said the petition will put in plain words the "obstacles and barriers"
that are halting approval of an international tribunal bill in Parliament.
However, such a move did not take place. Opposition lawmakers, according to An
Nahar, were apparently determined to mobilize MPs in an effort to thwart the
majority from "occupying (television) screens and deluding the public into
believing that they are doing something rightful." The daily said
Hizbullah MP Mohammed Raad has summoned members of his parliamentary bloc for a
meeting in parliament on Tuesday. Gen. Michel Aoun's Reform and Change bloc was
also there.
Berri has declined to convene a parliamentary session and has refused to receive
any documents referred to Parliament by Prime Minister Fouad Saniora's majority
government which he terms "illegitimate" following the resignation of six
opposition ministers in November. The ministers quit after the cabinet approved
the tribunal bill. Saniora on Monday again referred a bill creating the
international court to Berri's office, only to be turned back to the premiership
just like the first time.
On his refusal to receive the tribunal bill, An Nahar quoted Berri as telling
visitors late Monday that he will only take delivery of the draft law "when the
government becomes legitimate." Saniora's office had published the international
tribunal bill in the official gazette on Dec. 12. Beirut, 03 Apr 07, 07:21
Syrian Court to Sentence Bunni for Beirut-Damascus Offence
A Syrian court is to spell out its verdict on April 24 in the trial of human
rights activist Anwar Bunni who risks more than three years in jail for signing
a petition demanding the normalizing of Damascus-Beirut ties, a rights group
said Tuesday. "The criminal court has scheduled a verdict for April 24," Ammar
al-Qorabi, who heads the National Organization for Human Rights in Syria, told
Agence France Presse after Bunni's lawyers presented their closing arguments.
Bunni, himself a lawyer, was arrested in the Syrian capital in May 2006 after
signing an appeal for radical reform in relations between Syria and neighboring
Lebanon. Syria's state prosecutor said in February that Bunni would be
prosecuted for spreading false information. On Tuesday, Bunni's lawyers argued
that "the prosecution failed to provide proof concerning the charges" and
demanded his acquittal, Qorabi said.
European, U.S. and Canadian diplomats based in Damascus attended the session,
along with Bunni family members and friends, he said.
Bunni was the director of a legal rights centre in Syria financed partly by the
European Union and established by a Belgian non-governmental organization. The
centre was closed down after his arrest. In a statement to the court in January,
Bunni said he was being judged for his opinions and had in no way violated the
constitution or the law. The "Beirut-Damascus Declaration" published in the
Lebanese capital in May 2006 was signed by nearly 300 Syrian and Lebanese
intellectuals. In the crackdown that followed Bunni was arrested along with nine
others, including journalist and writer Michel Kilo and communist activist
Mahmoud Issa. On March 27, Kilo and Issa were charged in court with spreading
false information and sowing discord, and they also face possible jail terms of
at least three years.(AFP-Naharnet) Beirut, 03 Apr 07, 17:17
Jumblat: International Tribunal under Chapter 7 is 'Available Option'
Druze leader and MP Walid Jumblat said creation of an international tribunal to
try suspects in the 2005 assassination of former Premier Rafik Hariri under
Chapter 7 of the U.N. charter was an available option. "Setting up the tribunal
under Chapter 7 remains an available option and a possibility to block attempts
by some local powers allied with regional regimes to abort the court," Jumblat
said in comments published Tuesday by Al-Anbaa weekly, mouthpiece of his
Progressive Socialist Party (PSP). The international tribunal will "certainly"
be achieved, he said, stressing that "the countdown has started." "We were and
still are eager to establish the international tribunal by means of
constitutional channels, starting by the cabinet then parliament which has been
locked in the face of the parliamentary majority in a rare, unprecedented
situation in democratic regimes," said Jumblat. Beirut, 03 Apr 07, 12:56
Islam's War in Lebanon Against Christians
By Michael Hirst
Sunday Telegraph | April 3, 2007
Christians are fleeing Lebanon to escape political and economic crises and signs
that radical Islam is on the rise in the country.
In a poll to be published next month which was exclusively leaked to The Sunday
Telegraph, nearly half of all Maronites, the largest Christian denomination in
the country, said they were considering emigrating. Of these, more than 100,000
have submitted visa applications to foreign embassies. Their exodus could have a
devastating effect on the country, robbing it of an influential minority which
has acted as an important counter-balance to the forces of Islamic extremism.
About 60,000 Christians have already left since last summer’s war between Israel
and Hezbollah. Many who remain fear that a violent showdown between rival Sunni
and Shia factions is looming.
"If we love our children we have to tell them to get out," said Maria, a
Christian mother of one from the northern city of Tripoli, who refused to give
her surname for fear of reprisal. "When my daughter finished her high school I
sent her to Europe, and I will follow her if I can."
Christine, another Christian woman, said that all of her family’s younger
generation had left the country, adding that Tripoli had become increasingly
Islamised in recent years. There is a rising number of veiled women and
religiously bearded men on the streets - although she blamed economic and
political instability for much of the emigration. Christians, who make up 22 per
cent of the population, have historically played a major role in the development
of Lebanon’s political, social and cultural institutions. Currently the
president, the army commander and the head of the central bank are all Maronites,
and under the agreement which ended the civil war in 1989, half the 128 seats in
Lebanon’s parliament are reserved for Christians.
"Lebanon has always been a bastion of religious tolerance, but now it is moving
towards the model of Islamisation seen in Iraq and Egypt," said Fr Samir Samir,
a Jesuit teacher of Islamic studies at Beirut’s Université Saint-Joseph.
Lebanon’s Christian community is concerned that its influence is waning as a
result of a continuing internal power struggle, which for the past five months
has pitted a Sunni-led government against a predominantly Shia opposition,
spearheaded by the Shia militant group Hezbollah. The collapse in influence has
been exacerbated by a roughly equal spilt in support among Christians for rival
Shia and Sunni leaders. The battle between Muslim factions has paralysed the
Lebanese administration and crippled the economy. The exodus of young workers
crosses the religious spectrum. Some 22 per cent of Shias and 26 per cent of
Sunnis say they are considering going abroad, according to the study by
Information International, an independent Beirut-based research body.
No Victory for Any Party in Lebanon
By Ed Hollants
Al-Jazeerah, April 3, 2007
From 8 to 22 February this year we made a second visit with D4net from the
Netherlands to Lebanon. We wanted to speak to our contacts from our first visit
in September 2006, and meet new people too. Our main questions were: how do the
people on the ground see a way out of the political stalemate between government
and opposition? What are the effects of the June war and the internal political
struggle? Is a third way possible? What effect does the sectarian system have at
present, and what are people’s thoughts on Lebanon in the light of international
developments? In part 1 of this article we try to give an idea of the current
situation in Lebanon on the basis of all the discussions we had and our own
impressions. In part 2 we attempt to sketch out the conditions that could lead
to more positive developments. We want to emphasise that we do not think that we
know better than the Lebanese people themselves. Our idea is more that it can be
helpful to read how a relative outsider, who plays no part in Lebanese society
and its conflicts, sees the situation.
Part 1: the current situation
It strikes one straight away that Lebanese society is currently strongly
polarised along government camp/opposition camp lines. As a result of the
opposition’s attempts to gain more influence in the current political balance of
power, and the inflexible reaction of the government to this, a stalemate has
arisen that is partly paralysing the country. In itself, what the opposition
claims – that the division of power in Lebanon is shared unequally, to the
advantage of the Sunnis and Druzes in particular, while in numeric terms the
Shias form a much larger section of the population – is correct. However, what
makes the problem seemingly insoluble is mainly outside interference. The
opposition, especially Hezbollah, is probably heavily influenced by Syria and
Iran, in order to expand their political power and to frustrate the
investigations into the assassination of Hariri. On the other hand, strong
pressure is definitely being exerted by the US on the government to make a firm
stand. Hezbollah is seen by the US as the greatest threat after Al Qaeda, even
though these movements have nothing to do with one another and are also totally
different in their aims and organisation. The rising tensions are intensified
still further by mysterious attacks and finds of explosives. In reality the
situation differs little from the policy of the Bush administration and its
slogan ‘you’re either with us or you’re against us’. It leaves no room
whatsoever for other voices to be heard. You are either for the government or
for the opposition.
In addition, sectarianism causes extra problems because economic, administrative
and military power are not equally divided among the sects. Positions of power
are mainly concentrated among particular sects. So, for instance, so Sunnis have
most of the economic power, and military might is mainly in the hands of
Hezbollah. The damage to the economic life of Beirut thus mainly affects the
power of the Sunnis, and the pressure on Hezbollah to disarm represents a direct
erosion of their power. With the effective absence of a democratic state, you
could say that economic power is unbridled, and also does not need any more
control. It is the free market and globalisation in its most extreme form.
Because it only possesses military power, and has no clear socio-economic plan
for Lebanon, Hezbollah has the problem that it needs the threat from Israel. If
Israel were to accede to Hezbollah’s demands and a definitive peace were to be
achieved, then Hezbollah’s power would largely disappear. The sectarianism is a
many-headed monster. It is not only religious, but is also culturally, socially,
economically politically and militarily determined. Political reform alone will
not remove it. The question arises of whether this really is such a great
problem. The most important problem is the division of economic and political
power. It is necessary for a peaceful Lebanon to remove these two areas of
division, and to approach the sects from now on from the basis of a national
vision founded on equality. None of the sects or their associated political
parties have a clear political-economic or social vision for the country. The
only one which does have such a vision is the Communist Party of Lebanon, which
has virtually no power. In addition, the party of Aoun, the FPM, had made some
steps on the way towards a plan. The sectarian parties are also often led by
family clan, with leadership passing from father to son.
What seems most necessary is a change in the electoral system: a reform of
political power on the basis of voting that is separate from the sectarian
division of power. In particular, space must be created to give opportunities to
independent candidates. A mechanism must also be created that obliges parties to
have a general political and economic programme. There must be checks on
economic power, so that income can be generated for the development of
impoverished areas. The development of a number of basic amenities and a genuine
campaign against corruption are also necessary. All these issues require a lot
of time. They need a change of mentality, and the Lebanese must be given the
time for this. It is often forgotten for the sake of convenience that Lebanon
has only been independent for a short time since the Middle East was divided up
by the western colonial powers, and experienced a lengthy civil war.
There is no civil structure present in Lebanon, for example of citizen’s groups
and NGOs that have a clear plan or political stance aimed at social change.
There is also hardly any personal space. Many NGOs are dependent on foreign
donors who place conditions on grants, such as a prohibition on presenting a
political profile. New groups are arising, but these mainly promote a moral
message, for example: no violence, no civil war.
Furthermore, there is currently a great deal of division that makes a third way
impossible. There is no organisational or conceptual framework that can bring
the civil groups together.
The divisions include those between those fiercely anti-Hezbollah, or extremely
sympathetic and/understanding of Hezbollah, between groups working towards a
socialist society and, especially, among citizens who fear the threat of a new
civil war. There are even more negative developments. Migration has risen. One
the one hand, people who were planning to return to Lebanon are postponing this
and, on the other, highly educated young people in particular are leaving the
country. Various Gulf states have raised their quotas for Lebanese workers,
creating an added lure to leave the country. Unemployment is rising, and so are
prices. Everyone is primarily concerned with survival, so that other activities,
such as voluntary work for NGOs or civilian organisations, are secondary or in
decline. Of course the blows fall the hardest in the poorer areas of Lebanon.
The totally destroyed South plays no further role in national discussions, let
alone that any policy is being made for it. The people in these types of areas
of Lebanon are completely left to their fate.
An important condition for a solution to the problems is that there is no more
outside interference, but this interference is actually increasing. It seems as
if, after the Gaza strip and Iraq, a third chaotic state or region is in
preparation. Beyond the internal situation, internationally tensions have risen
dramatically, and this has a direct effect on Lebanon. The existence of the
various sects is abused by foreign powers to further their interests in the
region. The influence of Syria and Iraq on Hezbollah is well known, but the
Sunnis are used by the US and the Gulf states in the same way. Christian groups
in their turn are used by the US and European countries. Hezbollah is the
movement in Lebanon that emancipated, organised and thereby gave power to the
disadvantaged Shia population. The rise of movements such as Hezbollah is seen
as a threat, especially now that these movements have an ideological affinity
with Iran. In this way, Lebanon is becoming a reflection of the entire strategic
power struggle in the Middle East arena between a superpower, the US, and a
regional superpower, Iran. Israel would like nothing better than to strike the
next blow against Hezbollah, and will certainly do so as soon as it can see a
reason to attack. Because of its character as a Zionist state, Israel is
dependent for its existence on the position of hegemony that it occupies in the
Middle East. Every force that impinges on that must be fought against in order
to survive. In addition, Israel has always been the most important ally of the
US in the Middle East. So things are looking grim for Lebanon, yet still there
are some points of light. It is still possible that, under internal and external
pressure, the US will abandon an attack on Iran, and will be forced to pursue a
less military and confrontational course. This can also create more space in
Lebanon, and less polarisation.
A great deal of money has been invested in Lebanon by the Sunni camp and the
Gulf states in recent years. A civil war is not in their interests. Hezbollah
too has nothing to gain from rising internal violence, and has stated time and
time again that it will do all in its power to prevent this. It seems that there
are many people within Lebanon who absolutely want to prevent a civil war, and
are increasingly vocal in expressing this. There is a strong aversion to a war
within the Christian community, and in this way indirect criticism is made of
the inflammatory statements of GeaGea, the leader of the Christian Lebanese
Forces of the government camp. The problem lies more with smaller parties and
organisations that are often controlled from outside.
From an international perspective, Lebanon has little or no influence on
developments. Nationally, however, initiatives for change have some chance of
success. The pressure for this will have to come from civil society and from the
diaspora. None of the parties in either the government or the opposition want to
initiate a genuine transformation of society: it would mean a loss of power both
for the sects and for the families within the sects.
Part II: A civil network for change
To achieve a genuine change in Lebanon requires a union of forces from civil
society, a union in the form of a network. The network must be broad and
challenging, and express the hope for all Lebanese that ‘society will be changed
by us in the time to come’. It must also articulate a vision of how much is
possible if Lebanon changes: how everyone will benefit. Even if it seems no more
than a drop in the ocean now, a start has to be made somewhere: not immediately
looking at the achievability of the ultimate goal, but getting involved in how
you want to live, instead of how you are forced to live.
A condition for all this is that there must be a recognition that there is a
communal problem that can only be solved communally. A broad group of people
from various backgrounds and social positions must acknowledge this, and express
their will as citizens to take a communal initiative. Starting from the
situation as it is now, a number of aims can be formulated that everyone can
relate to despite their great differences, aims where everyone can see that they
are conditions for a real change. The means may be very diverse, as long as they
are recognisable as a part of the general aim. The network must also map out a
recognisable strategy, or multiple strategies, for achieving this aim.
Ultimately the network can, through the activities that take place within it,
form a political force to change society.
Through its very existence the network will support and stimulate social
initiatives that make change a reality. A discussion on the politics of the
network that is mainly focussed on what is the ideologically correct course
should be guarded against. Whatever ideology you follow on a national level,
nothing is possible as long the present system continues to exist. No single
ideology, whether it is socialism, liberalism or an ideology based on religion,
will lead to change at the national level or a revolution that replaces the
system. What is needed right now is the creation of conditions in which an
authentic political discussion and struggle can take place. A movement must
arise with pragmatic goals that make this possible. The creation of public
forums is of great importance in this. Political parties and organisations can
better be excluded, or only assigned a limited role in the network. They should
however be allowed to express their sympathies and support. The acceptance of
great diversity is an essential condition for an effective network that can
change society. Whatever the ultimate solution or form of society for Lebanon as
a whole may be: at the moment, every attempt at development is blocked. The
power that breaks through the blockages must come from civil society, so that
the foundations can be laid for a new Lebanon.
Security could be a central theme within the network: security and protection
against internal military violence as well as external threats, with a firm
condemnation of all political violence by anyone. In addition, security in terms
of social exclusion, cultural exclusion, income, housing etc. is equally
important. People will always choose for something on the basis of their own
interests, and their foremost interest is in security for themselves and their
immediate family and friends. It must be clear that the only guarantee of this
for all Lebanese people is a non-sectarian society. Having various loyalties,
religions or cultures does not need to be a barrier to practical agreements on a
non-sectarian basis on the leadership of the country, its division of income,
cultural exchange, legal power and security.
A basic principle for the creation of security is that people within the borders
of Lebanon form an organisational union. Countries and their borders are a fact.
They offer people within those borders the possibility to organise how they
relate to one another. A national form of government and administrative
apparatus should choose for the relief of emergency situations and for the
protection for all those within Lebanon. This applies to legal, military,
political and economic issues. The interests of Lebanese society as a whole are
chiefly a stake in, and a loyalty to, a society that refrains from nationalism.
Nationalism is in fact a sectarian phenomenon on a national level. Lebanon in
particular is a country that has great a interest in open borders, both
internally and towards the outside world. It is vitally important to develop
activities on the division lines and borders that exist within Lebanon itself.
An armed party such as Hezbollah is undesirable but, at the same time, Lebanon
as a whole must be able to give guarantees for the protection of Lebanon,
whether that is against Israel or against Syria.
An unrestrained concentration of economic power among the Sunni elite would be
disastrous for the economic development of Lebanon as a whole. Development and
security for all is only possible, then, if everyone takes on the responsibility
for guaranteeing security for all. The current system in Lebanon is outdated. It
is anachronistic, and developments in many areas are being held back. The old
politic elite – based on sects and family structures – must fade away. A young
generation must then take over on the basis of a self-determined course that
looks to the future and is appropriate in an open world.
It is all about bringing about a change of consciousness. This also means
initiating a national debate about the Lebanese civil war. Coming to terms with
this part of Lebanon’s history is essential, because the sectarian power of
today has also partly grown out of it. The Taif agreements at the end of the
civil war did stop the fighting, but they allowed the sectarianism to continue,
and even reinforced it. The network has to stimulate people to enter into
discussions with their families and work colleagues when they hear prejudiced
remarks between sects: discussions about the history of Lebanon. Change in
Lebanon is only possible if something changes in the mentality of the people
themselves.
Diaspora
A separate point for attention is the diaspora. More Lebanese people live and
work outside of Lebanon than inside it, some for 150 years or more already, but
there are also many who have left or fled in the last 30 years. These Lebanese
in the diaspora often still have links with Lebanon. Departures are sometimes
seen as only temporary. By staying in other countries, mainly with democratic
governments, it can be seen that these systems are preferable to sectarianism.
Contact with civil marriage, rights for women and gay people etc. can also bring
about a change in mentality. This can be of great influence on the situation in
Lebanon, even if this only means a flow of funds in the direction of initiatives
like the ones we have described in this article. It can be expected that the
number of (young) Lebanese who want to see a different political future will
rise. Alongside financial contributions, the diaspora, united in Lebanese
associations for example, can also make its voice heard other ways, and try to
exercise influence (for example on family members remaining in Lebanon).
Contacts outside of Lebanon can also be intensified: contacts for reflection,
knowledge exchange, support and advice. These may be contacts with people with
experience in broad civil movements, such as the ones in Eastern Europe that
gave an impetus for political change there, but contacts with smaller and larger
organisations in the fields of human rights, culture and art can also make an
important contribution. Activities therefore definitely do not have to be only
political. They can just as well take place in cultural and social fields.
Some activities around which a network can form itself are:
- Using creativity, diversity, humour, art and culture – which the Lebanese are
strong in – instead of (often imported) weighty ideologies - Developing as far
as possible public forums where thoughts and cultural expressions can be
exchanged. These can be debating centres, radio, wall newspapers, magazines,
websites, and so on. - A national information/archive centre for research into
Lebanese history, especially the civil war, and into current events, as a means
of opening up a national discussion - Making referendums or other forms of
consultation available to the people, so that the knowledge and experience of
the people as a whole can be utilised - Making use of ‘the great outdoors’ for
exchanges and image enhancement - Organising ‘border camps’ on the borders
within Lebanese society - A set logo or other form of recognition. With this, an
overarching identity can be given to the various initiatives.
Finally:
There are undoubtedly many other visions of and efforts for change. We hope that
this article can contribute to them. We can help to bring different people
together to formulate a national initiative. We also want to support existing
initiatives. Furthermore, we can attempt to help to organise support from
outside of Lebanon.
The delegation from D4net to Lebanon was made up of Henk van der Keur and Ed
Hollants.
Ed Hollants is since 1979 active in all kind of polical/social movements in the
Netehrlands. In 1990 he started the Autonoom Centrum and in 2005 D4net. Most of
the activities are in the Netherlands but he went also five times to East Timor
and in 2003 to Palestine.
D4net@xs4all.nl www.d4net.nl
Iraq's Christians Flock to Lebanon
Monday, Apr. 02, 2007 By ANDREW LEE BUTTERS Enlarge Photo
Lebanese Christian clergymen lead the traditional Palm Sunday procession in
Beirut, Lebanon, Sunday, April 1, 2007.
Wael Hamzeh / EPA
Article ToolsPrintEmailReprints Its procession of frond-waving believers, the
singing and chanting, and the proud parents snapping photos of their
princess-garbed daughters made the Palm Sunday celebration in the Beirut suburb
of al-Fanar look like any of the hundreds occurring all over Lebanon. But after
the service, the conversations among parishioners revealed the special nature of
this community. Many of them spoke Arabic with heavy Iraqi accents — al-Fanar
has become a magnet for Christian refugees from Iraq. For those fleeing the
chaos in Iraq, the Middle East's most Christian country looks a safe bet. Tell
that to Lebanon's own Christians
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Iran's Islamic Revolution banned musical instruments. These days, the mullahs
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When the Family Reunion Is Via Remote
Koreans on the divided peninsula get a rare chance to see long-separated
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Where Rules Are Still Made to Be Broken
Sure, this port city has serious crime. But the daily infractions — scooter
helmet, anyone? — are what make its citizens uniquely Neapolitan
It's hardly surprising that Iraq's Assyrian and Chaldean Christians would seek
refuge from the chaos of post-Saddam Iraq in one of the most Christian countries
in the Middle East — almost one third of Lebanon's population is Christian, and
the country's presidency is reserved for them. "Iraqi Christians feel
comfortable in a country where Christians have power," says Mark Samuel, the
president of a Lebanese Assyrian political party. At the town's Assyrian Church
of St. George, Iraqi refugees now make up almost one-third of the congregation.
"It was bad in Iraq under the old regime," says James Isho, whose family fled
Baghdad two years ago after the church next door to their house in the Dora
district was bombed. "Now it's even worse."
Lebanon has a growing Iraqi refugee population, currently numbering between
20,000 and 40,000 Iraqi, according to the U.N. — a small fraction of the
estimated 2 million Iraqis who have fled the spiraling violence in their
country. But what makes Lebanon's Iraqi refugee intake unusual is that about 30%
of them are Christian, although Christians comprise just about 3% of Iraq's
population.
Many Christian refugees arrive from Syria on mountain paths used by smugglers,
bringing with them little more than a suitcase or two and harrowing stories of
rape, kidnapping and murder. Upon arriving, the first place many of them go is
the Assyrian and Chaldean churches. "Every day five or six more families come
here," says Bishop Michael Kisargi from the headquarters of the Chaldean Church
in Lebanon. "Everyone can tell me a story about persecution by Muslims." One of
the worst, he said, was from a family whose daughter had been raped 15 times by
militia members.
As a small minority without a militia of their own, Iraqi Christians have been
persecuted by both Shia and Sunni Muslim militias, and also by criminal gangs.
"They think because we have liquor stores or live in nice neighborhoods we have
more money," says Ghassan Mansou Chamoun, an Iraqi Christian from Mosul who
arrived in Lebanon in December. The 36 year-old taxi driver left after receiving
death threats from the Muslim family of one his passengers who died in an
accident. "They wanted $50,000 or my head," he said.
Despite its own political troubles and last summer's war with Israel, Lebanon is
peaceful in comparison to Iraq. But the Lebanese remain wary of accepting
refugees, lest they upset the country's ever-fragile sectarian balance. Lebanon
already houses 400,000 permanent Palestinian refugees, some of whom have lived
here for almost 60 years without gaining citizenship. Tension over their
presence helped trigger the civil war that ran from 1975 to 1990. "In general,
every time you have new refugees, no matter what the number, it raises the
Palestinian question," says Stephane Jaquemet, the UN High Commission for
Refugees representative in Lebanon. Still, the U.N. has worked out an agreement
with the Lebanese government whereby any Iraqi given official refugee status by
the UNHCR can stay in the country for a renewable one-year period. (UNHCR now
automatically grants refugee status to anyone from central and southern Iraq.)
But most Iraqi refugees aren't legally allowed to work in Lebanon, and those who
do usually take menial under-the-table jobs such as washing cars for $14 a day.
A number of Iraqi women have ended up working as prostitutes.
The community relies largely on support from NGOs such as the Catholic charity
Caritas, that has helped refugees of all religious backgrounds. But the Churches
say they are swamped. "I can't go on like this," said Bishop Kisargi, whose
congregation has been supplying refugees with food and medicine and help finding
homes. "We are a poor church and the situation is getting worse."
Kisargi is dismayed by his failure, during a trip to the U.S. last summer, to
win support for Christian refugees from politicians and business leaders. The
country he had once thought of as the apex of the civilized world is now
ignoring its responsibilities, he said. "If you want to make a war, you have to
protect the people."
Ironically, though, while Christians from Iraq are seeking refuge in Lebanon,
many native-Lebanese Christians are themselves trying to escape Lebanon's
political and economic crisis. A recent poll of Lebanese Maronites, members of
the country's largest Christian sect, found that half of them are considering
leaving for a better life overseas. For Christians across the Middle East then,
the onset of the Jewish Passover season is marked by a new exodus.