LCCC ENGLISH DAILY NEWS BULLETIN
May 13/15
Bible Quotation For Today/Do
not worry about anything, but in everything by prayer and supplication with
thanksgiving let your requests be made known to God.
Letter to the Philippians 04/01-07: "Therefore, my brothers and sisters, whom I
love and long for, my joy and crown, stand firm in the Lord in this way, my
beloved. I urge Euodia and I urge Syntyche to be of the same mind in the Lord.
Yes, and I ask you also, my loyal companion, help these women, for they have
struggled beside me in the work of the gospel, together with Clement and the
rest of my co-workers, whose names are in the book of life. Rejoice in the Lord
always; again I will say, Rejoice. Let your gentleness be known to everyone. The
Lord is near. Do not worry about anything, but in everything by prayer and
supplication with thanksgiving let your requests be made known to God. And the
peace of God, which surpasses all understanding, will guard your hearts and your
minds in Christ Jesus."
Bible Quotation For Today/Lazarus,
come out of the grave, his hands and feet bound with strips of cloth, and his
face wrapped in a cloth. Jesus said to them, ‘Unbind him, and let him go
John 11/32-44: "When Mary came where Jesus was and saw him, she knelt at his
feet and said to him, ‘Lord, if you had been here, my brother would not have
died.’ When Jesus saw her weeping, and the Jews who came with her also weeping,
he was greatly disturbed in spirit and deeply moved. He said, ‘Where have you
laid him?’ They said to him, ‘Lord, come and see.’ Jesus began to weep. So the
Jews said, ‘See how he loved him!’ But some of them said, ‘Could not he who
opened the eyes of the blind man have kept this man from dying?’ Then Jesus,
again greatly disturbed, came to the tomb. It was a cave, and a stone was lying
against it. Jesus said, ‘Take away the stone.’ Martha, the sister of the dead
man, said to him, ‘Lord, already there is a stench because he has been dead for
four days.’Jesus said to her, ‘Did I not tell you that if you believed, you
would see the glory of God?’So they took away the stone. And Jesus looked
upwards and said, ‘Father, I thank you for having heard me. I knew that you
always hear me, but I have said this for the sake of the crowd standing here, so
that they may believe that you sent me.’ When he had said this, he cried with a
loud voice, ‘Lazarus, come out!’ The dead man came out, his hands and feet bound
with strips of cloth, and his face wrapped in a cloth. Jesus said to them,
‘Unbind him, and let him go."
Latest analysis, editorials from miscellaneous sources published on May 12-13/15
In Advance Of Obama-GCC Camp David Summit, Saudi Press Warns: Iran's
Interference In Region Poses Greater Danger Than Iranian Nuclear Bomb/MEMRI/May
12/15
Legacy of terror: Hezbollah's Mughniyeh family/Roi Kais/Ynetnews/May 12/15
Analysis: Gulf states’ behavior against Obama administration unlikely to pay
off /J.Post/May 12/15
Assuring Uneasy Gulf Allies at Camp David: The Military Dimension/Michael
Eisenstadt/Washington Institute/May 12/15
Lebanese Related News published on May 12-13/15
STL contempt trial resumes
US charges 4 after intercepting gun shipments to Lebanon
Hezbollah, Syrian army capture key Qalamoun posts
Hezbollah takes key hilltop in Syria
Future rips Hezbollah over Qalamoun offensive
Future bloc rips Hezbollah over Qalamoun offensive
US charges 4 after intercepting gun shipments to Lebanon
Refugees must be relocated to Syria safe zones: Kanaan
New model refugee camp set up in Bekaa Valley
Hariri to seek Lebanon protection from Moscow
MP: Half of people in Lebanon not Lebanese
Abu Faour proposes solutions to hospital staff salary delays
Naameh dump to be permanently shut July 17: environment minister
Basbous’ term to be extended
MP to announce initiative to break impasse
Miscellaneous Reports And News published on May 12-13/15
Guns fall silent as cease-fire begins in Yemen
Russia warns against steps harmful for relations with U.S.
Kremlin says no breakthrough at Putin-Kerry meeting
White House urges Iran to use United Nations hub for Yemen relief
Pakistani defector was key in Bin Laden operation: officials
Cuba, US can exchange envoys once Havana off terror list: Castro
Iran says its navy will protect aid ship heading to Yemen
Nusra vows to eradicate ISIS from Qalamoun
Saudi-led strike on Sanaa killed 90 Monday
Syrian strike kills 20 in Aleppo: activists
US-Arab alignment shows strains before Camp David summit
Bombings in Iraqi capital kill at least 15 Shiite pilgrims
High Court allows Jerusalem Day march through Old City’s Muslim Quarter
Israel says unauthorized boats will be denied entry as Gaza flotillas begin
again
Using Bedouins for anti-Israel propaganda
Israel buys 4 patrol ships from Germany
Germany rolls out red carpet for President Rivlin
Report claims thorough deception from White House on bin Laden raid
Controversial bill to expand cabinet passes hurdle in Knesset
US admits at UN: We crossed line on interrogating detainees
Once untouchable, Egypt's Sisi faces media attacks
Galloway sues Labor victor over 'voter fraud'
Jihad Watch Latest News
Muslim had photo of Toronto tower with caption, “If I only had a plane”
Raymond Ibrahim: Islam’s ‘Reformation’ Is Already Here—and It’s Called ‘ISIS’
Egypt: Gunmen kidnap 8-year-old Copt from mother’s arms
Egypt: Underage Coptic girl abducted, Muslim neighbor suspected
Canada: Accused jihad mass murder plotter says, “I’m a simple Muslim”
Bangladesh: Muslims hack to death another atheist blogger
Duke Prof Bruce Lawrence: Pamela Geller a “free speech jihadi”
CNN: “Star Wars” is more Islamic than the Islamic State
UCLA Prof Khaled Abou El Fadl Condemns ISIS, But Does He Condemn Stealth Jihad?
Brooklyn: Muslims plead guilty to aiding jihad terror group al-Shabaab
Hariri to seek protection for Lebanon on Moscow visit
Hussein Dakroub| The Daily Star/12 May/15
BEIRUT: Former Prime Minister Saad Hariri begins an official visit to Moscow
Wednesday in the latest of his regional and international trips aimed at
shielding Lebanon from the repercussions of regional conflicts, Future officials
said Monday.
During his visit, Hariri is scheduled to hold talks with senior Russian
officials, including President Vladimir Putin and Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov.
“The Moscow visit is part of Hariri’s flurry of regional and international
activity aimed at protecting Lebanon from what is happening in the region,
particularly the fire raging in neighboring Syria,” Future MP Atef Majdalani
told The Daily Star.
“Hariri will seek Moscow’s help in sparing Lebanon any negative fallout as a
result of Hezbollah’s intervention in the war in Syria,” he said. “Hariri will
also seek Moscow’s support for the Lebanese state, especially military
assistance to the Lebanese Army, to help it fight terrorism.”
In order for Lebanon to be able to face political and security challenges at
home, Hariri will urge Russia, given its good ties with Iran, to facilitate the
election of a Lebanese president, Majdalani said.
The Future Movement-led March 14 coalition has accused Iran of blocking the
presidential election through its key ally, Hezbollah, and MP Michel Aoun’s Free
Patriotic Movement. The two groups have been blamed for thwarting a quorum to
elect a president with their consistent boycott of Parliament sessions since
last April, thus plunging Lebanon in a yearlong vacuum.
“Hariri maintains friendships with various countries, particularly the
decision-making states, including the Russian Federation,” Majdalani said. “His
visit to the Russian Federation gains special significance at this critical time
through which the region is passing.”
The Central News Agency, quoting sources close to Hariri, said the head of the
Future Movement would concentrate in his talks with Russian officials on
“salvaging Lebanon and its unique coexistence formula which is threatened with
collapse as a result of sectarian extremism, reducing the repercussions of the
Syrian conflict on Lebanon, [and the need for Russia] to make the necessary
contacts with influential states to facilitate the election of a new Lebanese
president.”
It quoted the sources as saying that Hariri would urge Russian officials to make
more efforts to find a solution to the 4-year-old crisis in Syria, especially
since Moscow had played an important role in this respect and hosted a
conference for the Syrian opposition.
Moscow, along with the U.S., had also contributed toward reviving a political
settlement to the Syrian conflict through the communique issued by the Geneva
Conference before relations between the two countries soured over the Ukraine
crisis, the sources said. They added that a solution to the Syrian crisis would
provide the main passageway to resolve a host of Lebanese crises, a large part
of which had resulted from the conflict in Syria.
It was not immediately clear whether Hariri would revive during his visit a 2010
arms grant from Moscow that would provide the Lebanese Army with helicopters and
tanks. Hariri signed the military grant agreement during his official visit to
Moscow as prime minister of Lebanon in November 2010. Under the deal, Moscow
would provide the Lebanese Army with six helicopters and 77 tanks, as well as 1
million bullets and 37,000 shells of various calibers.
Hariri will be accompanied on his visit to Moscow by two political aides, former
MPs Bassem Sabaa and Ghattas Khoury, and Nader Hariri, chief of Hariri’s staff.
The Moscow trip comes less than a month after Hariri ended a several-day visit
to Washington during which he had talks with U.S. Vice-President Joe Biden,
Secretary of State John Kerry and members of the Congress. At the end of his
U.S. visit, Hariri warned that Lebanon was threatened with a renewal of civil
war unless the rival Lebanese factions acted to elect a president and fight
religious extremism. Hariri had talks with French President Francois Hollande in
Saudi Arabia last week. In the past few weeks, he had visited Qatar, Turkey and
Egypt for talks on regional conflicts, particularly the Saudi-led military
intervention against Iranian-backed Houthi rebels in Yemen. Despite deep
differences with Hezbollah over internal politics, Syria and Yemen, Hariri has
pledged to carry on the dialogue with the party. He said the talks between the
two rival parties that began last December have helped defuse sectarian
tensions.
Future bloc rips Hezbollah over Qalamoun offensive
The Daily Star/May. 12, 2015 /BEIRUT: The Future bloc Tuesday
denounced Hezbollah over its ongoing offensive against rebel groups in Syria's
western Qalamoun region, insisting the Lebanese Army alone was responsible for
protecting the country's borders. “Protecting Lebanon’s eastern and northern
borders with Syria in the confrontation with militants... is the duty of the
Lebanese Army and not the duty of any other group,” the bloc said in a statement
released after its weekly meeting. Hezbollah’s engagement in the Qalamoun is a
departure from national consensus and marks another attempt by the party to
undermine the state’s jurisdiction over matters of war and peace, the bloc said.
It reiterated its call on Hezbollah to withdraw from Syria and stop aiding the
Syrian government in carrying out “daily massacres” against the Syrian people.
The increasing number of Lebanese casualties in Syria as a result of Hezbollah’s
intervention has caused “painful suffering” for segments of the Lebanese
population, it added. Hezbollah and the Syrian army have been engaged in daily
battles with a coalition of Nusra Front-led jihadi groups over the past week in
the Qalamoun mountain range, which straddles Lebanon’s eastern border. They have
made important gains in the fighting, driving militants from about a dozen
outposts and several towns, including Assal al-Ward and Al-Juba. Shifting to
domestic politics, the Future bloc said the election of a president would be the
“only correct start” to reviving state institutions, renewing political life,
forming a new Cabinet, achieving a new election law and holding parliamentary
elections. The bloc also called on the state to adopt a 2015 draft budget that
included the public wage hike bill. Lebanon has not had a public budget bill
since 2005, and instead the Cabinet has annually approved spending without
approval from Parliament. The draft budget should also cover development
projects planned for the north Lebanon districts of Akkar and Minyeh- Dinnieh,
the statement said. The development projects, valued at $500 million, are
“necessary projects” which should be rightfully granted to these areas, it
added.
MP: Half of people in Lebanon not Lebanese
Hasan Lakkis| The Daily Star/May. 12, 2015
BEIRUT: Just over half of the population living in Lebanon is not Lebanese, MP
Ibrahim Kanaan said Monday during a seminar meant to tackle the Syrian refugee
crisis. “The number of Lebanese residing in Lebanon doesn’t exceed 4 million,
and is accompanied by 1,250,000 registered refugees and more than 500,000 Syrian
nationals, who are either unregistered refugees or workers. Then there are about
400,000 Palestinian refugees,” said Kanaan, who was representing Parliament
Speaker Nabih Berri during a seminar about the effects of the Syria crisis in
Lebanon. “Fifty-five percent of the population of Lebanon is not Lebanese, this
by itself constitutes a demographic imbalance and a factor for instability,”
Kanaan said. The seminar was organized by Parliament in collaboration with the
World Bank, International Finance Corporation and the Multilateral Investment
Guarantee Agency. The conference came as part of the World Bank's Country
Partnership Framework (CPF) that will take place from 2016-2021 with the aim of
helping Lebanon combat the social and economic impacts stemming from the Syrian
crisis. The partnership also focuses on developmental projects specific to
Lebanon.
The CPF is a business plan guiding the World Bank’s development interventions in
Lebanon for the fiscal years 2016 through 2021 that is being prepared through
discussions with the government, parliament, civil society, the private sector
and stakeholders at large.
Ferid Belhaj, the World Bank’s country director for the Middle East, along with
numerous lawmakers and members of civil society attended the event.
Lebanon has been the primary destination for Syrian refugees fleeing their
war-torn country since the conflict began in March 2011.
But Lebanon is not only threatened by Syrian refugees, Kanaan said. The presence
of Palestinian refugees distributed in camps across the country was also playing
a destabilizing role. In all, with elements of the Syrian and Palestinian
presence in Lebanon potentially armed, paired with the uncertain future of
Syria, internal political and sectarian divisions plaguing the country and the
government’s limited financial and security capabilities, the refugees have
become a burden to Lebanon.
“Lebanon’s infrastructure is also unable to absorb the high number of refugees
and provide for their needs, which is actually pushing more and more Lebanese to
emigrate and creates a greater demographic imbalance,” he said.
Kanaan acknowledged that the international community plays a vital role in
helping Lebanon confront this crisis. However, he said such efforts would not
fully protect Lebanon in the absence of a project that would relocate Syrian
refugees to safe areas inside Syria.
The MP stressed the need for the projects that would strengthen local
authorities in host communities. Municipalities are in direct contact with
refugees and this is why supporting them is critical, Kanaan said in a news
conference with Belhaj after the seminar.
“We know of a project underway worth $10 million in funding for the north and
Bekaa Valley municipalities,” Kanaan said, expressing hope that after Monday’s
workshop the funding would increase to cover different Lebanese areas affected
by the refugee crisis.
Belhaj said that the conference was a vital platform to exchange ideas and
listen to what Parliament has to say about the cooperation strategy between the
World Bank and Lebanon.
“This strategy is linked to the Syrian situation and its impacts on Lebanon,” he
said during the news conference. “This is why we move forward in financing
various projects to support the municipalities that are being subjected to
demographic pressures on infrastructure, sewage systems and health and education
services as a result of the Syrian influx.” Belhaj said the World Bank would
increase financing for municipalities, adding that the other part of their
strategy focuses on developing Lebanon’s socioeconomic strategies.
Naameh dump to be permanently shut
July 17: environment minister
The Daily Star/May. 12, 2015/BEIRUT: The Naameh waste landfill, long reviled by
locals and the environmental community, will shut down July 17, about 18 years
after its initial start, the environment minister announced Tuesday. “The Naameh
landfill will close July 17,” Mohammad Machnouk told the mayors of Al-Shahar Al-Gharbi
municipalities in Mount Lebanon. He said the dump will be replaced by a green
garden, and the landfill's gases will be used to generate electricity to
neighboring towns. The Naameh landfill was originally opened in 1997 to serve
the Beirut and Mount Lebanon region. It was intended to close after six years.
The landfill now receives 2,850 tons of waste a day, five times its intended
capacity. It was originally set to close on Jan. 17, but the deadline was
extended.
US-Arab
alignment shows strains before Camp David summit
By MICHAEL WILNER/J.Post/05/12/2015
WASHINGTON -- Displeased with Washington's dealings with Iran, with an emerging
deal over its nuclear program and with US security proposals to Gulf Arab
nations, Saudi Arabia's King Salman will skip a major summit in Washington this
week, as will the leaders of three other Gulf nations.The summit— at the White
House and Camp David on Wednesday and Thursday— was organized with the very
purpose of assuaging Gulf concerns with shifting US policy in the Middle East
toward cooperation with Iran. In meetings just last week in Riyadh and Paris,
Salman and his deputies had assured US Secretary of State John Kerry of his
attendance at the summit, prompting a public White House announcement to that
effect over the weekend. The White House said on Monday that Salman had
confirmed his attendance before pulling out, for reasons, they said, entirely
unrelated to the contents of the summit. Salman has not left his kingdom since
assuming the crown five months ago upon the death of King Abdullah. According to
state-run Saudi press, Salman must remain in the country to manage a brief
humanitarian ceasefire with the Houthis in Yemen; He will instead send his two
heirs, interior minister Crown Prince Mohammed bin Nayef and defense minister
Deputy Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman.
Privately, White House officials acknowledge unresolved tensions with Riyadh
over an emerging nuclear deal with Iran, which seeks to cap, restrict, monitor
and partially roll back Tehran's nuclear work for a finite period in exchange
for sanctions relief. Concerned the deal with empower Iran and its activities
across the region, Saudi Arabia and its allies in the Gulf Cooperation Council
are seeking concrete security guarantees that will guard against Iranian
aggression. Proposals for a coordinated security structure across GCC states—
Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates— have
been in the works at the political directors level for several weeks. This
week's Camp David summit was meant to be a discussion of those proposals among
the principals: US President Barack Obama, alongside King Salman and the heads
of each Gulf state in the union. But just days before the summit, all but two
leaders, the emirs of Qatar and Kuwait, had declined the president's invitation.
Oman's prime minister and crown princes from the UAE, Bahrain, Kuwait and Saudi
will all attend in their leaders' stead. The GCC reportedly seeks advanced
weapons systems and contract offers, while the US seeks agreement on a broad
structural defense design that would efficiently coordinate Gulf maritime,
counterterrorism, air and anti-missile systems. Political agreement among the
nations would then lay the foundation for weapons sales, according to US
officials. The Obama administration has long advocated for a missile defense
system across the region, his aides point out. The summit is intended to expand
the scope of US security guarantees to its Arab allies beyond that single
portfolio. The summit will begin with a dinner at the White House before moving
to the president's retreat at Camp David, Maryland, host of several
international summits in the past. Obama last hosted foreign leadership at the
camp in 2012.
Once untouchable, Egypt's Sisi faces media attacks
By REUTERS/05/11/2015
Egyptian newspapers are publishing what would have been unthinkable when
then-army chief Abdel Fattah al-Sisi removed the Muslim Brotherhood from power
in 2013: suggestions that he is fallible. It is a sign that a man who enjoys
cult-like support may be starting to lose some popularity as elected president.
Sisi has boosted his regional status by helping Saudi Arabia wage war against
Iranian-allied Houthi rebels in Yemen and spearheading an initiative to create a
joint Arab force to fight Islamic State.
In Egypt, where street protests have removed two presidents since the 2011 Arab
Spring uprisings, he is still popular. But signs of discontent are slowly
emerging. Egyptians await delivery on many promises, ranging from a better
school system to improved health care in the Arab world's most populous country,
where many are mired in poverty. The pro-government Al-Watan newspaper has run
exposes on the obstacles in the way of Sisi's reform plan.
It has highlighted that the military and political elite still dominate Egypt, a
strategic U.S. ally. Al Watan has identified factors undermining Sisi, including
corruption and nepotism. It has criticized what it said were violations
committed by police forces. Sisi overthrew the Islamist Mohamed Mursi, Egypt's
first freely-elected president, after mass protests against his Muslim
Brotherhood in 2013, and then mounted a tough crackdown.
Security forces killed hundreds of Brotherhood supporters, jailed thousands of
others and then went after liberal activists. Egypt says the Brotherhood is a
terrorist group that poses a threat to its national security. The Interior
Ministry denies allegations of widespread human rights abuses. An economic
newspaper, Al Bursa, ran a story with the headline: "Why is the government
moving at the speed of a turtle?" and said the prime minister had to do more to
produce results.
Another newspaper, al-Masriyoon, ran an opinion piece with the headline: "Egypt
in need of early presidential elections." The author, Gamal Sultan, wrote that
Sisi's tenure had "moved Egypt further away from stability and put the entire
nation on the brink of danger".Sisi, former head of military intelligence, has
announced mega-projects such as a second Suez Canal and a new capital, recalling
some of the grand national programs of one of his predecessors, strongman Gamal
Abdel Nasser.
He has also embarked on a politically-sensitive reform program, including
subsidy cuts, seen as far more successful than past efforts to loosen the
state's domination of the economy. Sisi has won the backing of foreign investors
and the International Monetary Fund. A high-profile investment conference in
March secured new pledges of billions of dollars from Cairo's Gulf Arab allies.
But some Egyptians say they have yet to feel tangible improvements to their
standard of living.
"What reforms? The only thing I can see that he has done is to make fuel more
expensive," said Sarah Mahmoud, 35, a Cairo pharmacist. Some have suggested the
criticisms of Sisi in the media have been planted to create a false impression
of freedom of the press, in a country that human rights groups say is crushing
real dissent.
"It is impossible that all the media figures who once defended him and his
government, night and day, would suddenly turn against him," said an Egyptian
man who declined to be named in al-Minya province. It was not immediately
possible to reach the presidency for comment. Ibrahim Eissa, a prominent
commentator and editor, said Sisi had to realize he was under scrutiny.
"An elected president is always being monitored and is accountable under the eye
of the people and public opinion," he said on a talk show. For some, such as
37-year-old lawyer Osama Hassan, Sisi can still do no wrong. "I reject the
attack on President Sisi in this manner in the media. The country will not stand
on its own two feet in a night and a day, especially since he took over the
country when it was suffering from collapse."
Legacy of terror: Hezbollah's Mughniyeh family
Eldest son of assassinated Imad Mughniyeh is considered to be the next rising
figure in Hezbollah and his lacking public appearances seem to only bolster the
suspicion.
Roi Kais/Published: 05.12.15,/ Israel News /Ynetnews
Imad Mughniyeh, the former commander of Hezbollah's military wing, was killed in
2008 in Damascus, his son Jihad was killed several months ago in an alleged
Israeli strike in Quneitra and his cousin Marwan was killed just a few days ago
during battles in the Qalamoun region in Syria. However, as it turns out, this
was not the last the world would hear of the Mughniyeh family - Mustafa, another
son of Imad, is now considered a rising figure in the Hezbollah organization.
Last weekend, Syrian opposition sources said that Imad Mughniyeh's cousin,
Marwan Mughniyeh, was killed along with eight other operatives in fierce battles
taking place in the Qalamoun region. Marwan, it was reported, had been in charge
of a special Hezbollah unit operating on Syrian territory, apparently as part of
the Radwan force, a special operations unit of Iran’s Revolutionary Guards.
Although the focus last weekend was on Marwan Mughniyeh, indications recently
emerged that an additional family member has been branded as an up-and-coming
figure in the organization - Mustafa Mughniyeh. Unlike his brother Jihad, the
27-year-old Mustafa has remained far from the spotlight. Intelligence analyst
Ronen Solomon has researched Hezbollah's intelligence and security apparatuses
and has been following the actions of Mughniyeh's eldest son, said Mustafa has
barely been mentioned in the media before.
"The 1980's were the years when Mughniyeh spent time at a Quds Force camp near
Tehran," Solomon said.
"At the time, he was pursued by foreign intelligence services after he stood
behind deadly terror attacks against Western and Israeli targets, which claimed
the lives of hundreds of people. In 1982, Mughniyeh opened a security guard
company in Lebanon and married his cousin Saadi Badr Al Din – the sister of
Mustafa Badr Al Din, who was appointed Hezbollah's military commander. In 1984,
their first daughter, Fatima, was born," Solomon told Ynet.
During those years, Mughniyeh had tried to secure the release of his
brother-in-law Mustafa Badr Al Din, who was arrested following the attack on the
American Embassy in Kuwait in 1983.
"In January 1987, when Mustafa was still in jail in Kuwait, Imad Mugniyeh's
eldest son was born. He named him Mustafa, after his wife's brother – it's clear
this wasn't a coincidence," Solomon said.
"During that same year, Mughniyeh senior's parents came for a visit in Teheran
and were photographed with the whole family, apparently to mark Mustafa's
birthday, who was born that year. (Mustafa) was not included in the picture and
until today there is not one single photo of him," he added.
A year later, Badr Al Din managed to get out of jail in Kuwait and arrived at
the Iranian Embassy, while taking advantage of the chaos following the invasion
of Kuwait by then-Iraqi President Saddam Hussain.
According to Solomon's investigation, while Mughniyeh senior was in charge of
Hezbollah's military and operational activities, Mustafa had been training in
Iran: "In 2005, he was 18 years old – the age when one completes basic military
training in Hezbollah and is sent to specialize in a certain field. At the same
time, Mustafa began joining his father on operational missions, and hence
received an informal education.
"Meanwhile, the relationship between Mustafa Mughniyeh's mother, Saadi, and her
brother, Mustafa Badr Al Din was maintained at all times. Proof for that is
shown in the findings from the investigation on the assassination of Rafic
Hariri, the former prime minister of Lebanon, which included documentation of
thousands of conversations between the two. The history of their relationship
ended up playing an important role after Imad Mughniyeh's assassination."
After the death of Mughniyeh senior, an interesting process began to unfold. As
Jihad Mughniyeh, the youngest son, was becoming more publicly known, the oldest
son Mustafa continued to stay a mystery, with few mentions in the media.
A few months after the assassination of Mughniyeh senior, it was reported that
Mustafa became a father to a son in Beirut who they named Imad after his
deceased grandfather.
Four years later, during a broadcast by the Lebanese satellite TV station Al
Manar in honor of the anniversary of Mughniyeh's death, Mustafa's son was
interviewed wearing a military uniform. Imad junior was accompanied by the
parents of Imad Mughniyeh senior, but his father Mustafa was nowhere to be seen.
Ibrahim Al-Amin, an editor of a Hezbollah journal, said in January that the rest
of the family had expected Mustafa, the eldest son, to publicly announce his
father Imad's death. However, Mustafa answered that he was not the right man for
the task and instead the task fell on young Jihad, who, up until then, was taken
less seriously compared to Mustafa.
"Nobody expected that he would go out in public like a man (he was 18 at the
time)," wrote Al-Iman in his article. His appearance can indicate the potential
the rest of the family saw in Jihad, who was recruited into Hezbollah operations
shortly afterward.
"Unlike his father and Mustafa, everyone knew Jihad Mughniyeh. They gave him
positions related to security, which is part of the Mughniyeh family's genetic
makeup," says Solomon.
Meanwhile, Mustafa became the protégé son and confidant of his father's
successor, his uncle Mustafa Badr Al Din, for whom Mustafa he was named after.
Mustafa Mughniyeh is mentioned as having a role in coordinating the movements of
Hezbollah leaders in Lebanon, Syria and Iran, and entrusted with their personal
security. Furthermore, he is said to provide vehicles for his uncle Badr Al Din
and his personal security.
"Mustafa Mughniyeh the son got involved with Badr Al Din's security apparatus
which deals more with securing operations," Solomon said. "As history shows,
whoever went up the ladder to participate in secret Hezbollah operations, first
held positions related to the personal security of various key members of the
organization. It can be presumed that Mustafa's identity has been kept
mysterious, as opposed to his brother, to ensure that in the future he will be
included in secret missions, such as those carried out by the 910 unit
(Hezbollah's unit in charge of overseas attacks), led by his uncle Mustafa Badr
Al Din."
In August 2011, Mustafa's name emerged in connection to a mysterious explosion
that took place in a southern suburb of Beirut, known as a Hezbollah stronghold.
In the beginning, it was reported that the explosion was intended to target
Samir Kuntar - a member of the Palestine Liberation Front, who was convicted of
murdering the Israeli Haran family in a terrorist attack in 1979.
Later on, it was believed that it was actually Mustafa Mughniyeh who had been
the target of the explosion. The building that was blown up was used by
Mughniyeh as an office. The explosion resulted in the death of Mustafa's
security guard and another individual was wounded.
During that time, Hezbollah began to believe that a foreign agent had
infiltrated their security apparatus and that Mustafa Mughniyeh's name had been
leaked along with several other Hezbollah members. It is possible that the
foreign agent who had operated against the organization was high-ranking
Hezbollah official Mohammad Shorba - who is now known to have worked with the
Mossad and CIA during those years.
Unlike the close ties between Mustafa Mughniyeh and his uncle Mustafa Badr Al
Din, Imad Mughniyeh senior had a shaky relationship with his brother-in-law,
primarily due to reasons circulating around Imad's first wife Saadi - Badr Al
Din's sister. According to the rumors, Saadi was upset when Imad married his
second wife, an Iranian woman named Wafa.
While Mustafa is still rarely heard of or seen in the media - he was last
mentioned to have been treated at a Hezbollah-associated hospital in Beirut for
a blood disease - he is still considered to be the next rising Mughniyeh family
member.
Analysis: Gulf states’ behavior against Obama
administration unlikely to pay off
By ARIEL BEN SOLOMON/J.Post/05/12/2015
Saudi King Salman and most of the other Gulf state leaders are not going to show
up for the Camp David summit on Thursday in what is being described as a snub
because of the Obama administration’s outreach to Shi’ite rival Iran.
Gulf leaders have a tendency of showing their displeasure passive-aggressively
towards the US – indirectly through their state owned media or by other
individuals close to their regimes that are quoted in the Western press.
This comes in contrast to Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and other members of
his government that have come out vocally, directly criticizing US President
Barack Obama administration’s policy on Iran and the recently signed nuclear
framework agreement.
Yet, in other ways, Netanyahu has gone out of his way to be diplomatic with the
Obama administration, never rejecting an invitation and making a point to
commend the US for its ongoing support.
Still, manifestations of Saudi and Israeli unhappiness with US policy toward
Iran have not brought about any major changes in its strategy, but mainly
rhetorical support and pledges for more military aid.
Riyadh announced the monarch’s no-show on Sunday, only two days after the White
House had said he would attend the summit of Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC)
states.
Some diplomats in the region believe the absence from Camp David of King Salman
and close ally King Hamad of Bahrain, host of the US Fifth Fleet, may backfire.
A Saudi decision in 2013 to vacate a seat on the United Nations Security Council
that it had spent years seeking, followed by a leak of angry comments about
Washington by then spy chief Prince Bandar bin Sultan, failed to change US
policy.
“Of course it [Salman’s non-appearance] is a snub. But I don’t think Obama is
going to put up with this. He wants the nuclear deal. It is the number one
priority,” said a Western diplomat based in the region.
The no-show by so many leaders is “certainly a slight and may affect what they
get,” David Andrew Weinberg, a specialist on Gulf affairs and a senior fellow at
the Foundation for Defense of Democracies, told The Jerusalem Post on Monday.
He emphasized, however, that the Saudi decision likely indicates that they
already were disappointed with what Washington was putting on the table.
The GCC states are definitely going to be getting more arms since this is part
of the Obama administration’s strategy of seeking to balance off its
rapprochement with Iran, said Weinberg.
“The word on the street is that something occurred over the last few days that
disappointed the Saudi king and led to his cancellation,” he said.
The Bahraini king’s decision to stay home, which was also announced on Sunday,
bolsters this impression, Weinberg added.
However, when asked about how Gulf behavior differs from that of Netanyahu,
Weinberg said that the Gulf states for the most part resisted the Iranian
framework agreement behind closed doors while the Israelis criticized it
directly.
**Reuters contributed to this report.
Assuring Uneasy Gulf Allies at
Camp David: The Military Dimension
Michael Eisenstadt/Washington Institute
May 7, 2015
The United States will need to supplement its traditional approach of focusing
on arms transfers, military presence, and redlines with a commitment to push
back against Iranian regional influence.
The high-level summit next week with leaders of the six Gulf Cooperation Council
(GCC) states -- Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab
Emirates -- is expected to focus on winning their support for the nuclear deal
being negotiated with Iran. Washington is reportedly considering new arms sales
and joint exercises among other measures to assure its uneasy allies, while at
least some of the GCC states may request a formal, NATO-like collective defense
agreement that would commit the United States to defending them if they are
attacked.
Yet a review of past efforts to assure these allies shows that the steps
reportedly under consideration are likely insufficient to assuage GCC fears
regarding Iran's expanding influence and growing assertiveness in the region.
This is the central concern of Gulf leaders, who worry that Iran would use funds
obtained through sanctions relief, and eventually nuclear weapons, to advance
its regional agenda.
CAPACITY BUILDING -- AGAINST WHICH THREAT?
In recent years, the United States has sold tens of billions of dollars in arms
to its Gulf Arab allies (including missile defenses, attack helicopters, and
strike aircraft), and helped them build up their cyberdefenses following Iranian
cyberattacks. The intent has been to assure them by enhancing their ability to
deter and counter external aggression, while convincing Tehran that its nuclear
program will harm, rather than enhance, its security.
Yet Tehran is unlikely to engage in the kind of conventional aggression that
would provide its neighbors (and the United States) with reason to respond by
conventional means. It is much more likely to engage in subversion and proxy
warfare, as it has done in the past and continues to do today. For example, the
GCC states emphasize Tehran's role in the slaughter of Sunni Arab civilians in
Iraq and Syria, and in stoking sectarian violence in the region, which (combined
with past U.S. inaction) has enabled groups such as al-Qaeda and the "Islamic
State"/ISIS to present themselves as the defenders of the Sunnis. By contrast,
President Obama emphasized the following in an April 5 interview with Thomas
Friedman: "The biggest threats that [our Sunni Arab allies] face may not be
coming from Iran invading. It's going to be from dissatisfaction inside their
own countries." Moreover, in light of the administration's announced "rebalance
to Asia" and the president's statement in the Friedman interview that "the
U.S.'s core interests in the region are not oil," GCC leaders may view large
U.S. arms sales less as a tangible expression of enduring commitment than a sign
that America is providing its friends with the means to fend for themselves as
it prepares to leave the region.
REINFORCED FORWARD PRESENCE -- TO WHAT END?
While the United States has drawn down its presence in Iraq and Afghanistan in
recent years, it has increased other aspects of its presence around the Gulf as
part of efforts to assure allies and deter Iran. For instance, it has been
building up its missile defenses in the region since 2006, with more than two
battalions of Patriot PAC-2/3 missiles deployed in four countries, two to three
Aegis ships in the Persian Gulf, and AN/TPY-2 X-band radars in Israel, Turkey,
and Qatar. The U.S. Navy also keeps at least one aircraft carrier in the area,
and the deployment of F-22 stealth fighters there has become routine. At the
same time, American naval forces have worked to enhance their ability to deal
with Iran's anti-access/area-denial capabilities.
Yet there is no sign that the large post-1991 U.S. military presence in the Gulf
has deterred Iran from using proxies to target U.S. interests in the region or
elsewhere. During this period, Tehran caused the death of nineteen U.S. airmen
in the 1996 Khobar Towers bombing in Saudi Arabia, provided arms to Shiite
"special groups'' that killed hundreds of U.S. service members in Iraq, and
plotted to assassinate the Saudi ambassador in Washington in 2011. Nor has it
deterred Iran from intervening in regional conflicts in ways that have
exacerbated sectarian tensions, threatened the security of U.S. allies, and
increased its influence in the region. In short, while the U.S. presence ensures
freedom of navigation in the Persian Gulf, it has not deterred Iran from
pursuing a strategy of proxy warfare that poses a major challenge to regional
stability.
GCC allies are frequently reminded that America continues to maintain some
35,000 service members in the region, but this has led them to question the
purpose of such a large forward presence -- especially at a time when Iran and
Hezbollah's intervention has contributed to the death of more than 200,000
Syrians, mostly Sunni civilians, amid U.S. inaction. And even when Washington
finally did act against ISIS, it did so at least initially on behalf of
beleaguered Iraqi minorities (Yazidis in Sinjar, Turkmens at Amerli, and Kurds
in Erbil) rather than Sunni Arabs.
REDLINES -- FADING FAST?
Washington has drawn various redlines concerning Iran's nuclear program; in
January 2012, for example, President Obama declared that if Tehran tried to
build a nuclear weapon, the United States would use every means at its disposal
to prevent it from doing so. The warning came, however, after Tehran had crossed
at least a half dozen previous U.S. redlines in order to become a nuclear
threshold state. It also followed the president's August 2012 redline concerning
chemical weapons use in Syria, which he subsequently failed to enforce when the
Assad regime crossed it a year later.
Since his January 2012 warning to Iran, the president has tended to couch his
threats in passive language that conveys more ambivalence than resolve, to
allies and adversaries alike. In a March 2012 interview with Jeffrey Goldberg,
he stated, "I also don't, as a matter of sound policy, go around advertising
exactly what our intentions are. But...when the United States says it is
unacceptable for Iran to have nuclear weapons, we mean what we say." He struck a
similar tone in last month's interview with Friedman, stating that if Iran does
not change as a result of U.S. efforts to engage it, "our deterrence
capabilities, our military superiority stays in place. We're not relinquishing
our capacity to defend ourselves or our allies. In that situation, why wouldn't
we test it?"
Thus, the U.S. redline gave Tehran the latitude it needed to become a nuclear
threshold state. While this may not be an existential concern to the United
States given its vast military advantages, from the point of view of America's
regional partners it is a game-changing development that has significantly
altered Middle Eastern power dynamics.
SECURITY GUARANTEES
The Obama administration is also looking for ways to formalize the U.S.
commitment to its Gulf partners. The president emphasized this point in the
Friedman interview: "When it comes to external aggression, I think we're going
to be there for our [Arab] friends -- and I want to see how we can formalize
that a little bit more than we currently have."
Accordingly, at next week's summit some Gulf states are expected to seek
security guarantees along the lines of Article V of the 1949 Washington Treaty,
the legal basis for the collective security arrangements that underpin the NATO
alliance. Article V states that "an armed attack against one or more [parties to
the treaty] in Europe or North America shall be considered an attack against
them all," and that "each of them" will take "such actions as it deems
necessary...to restore and maintain the security of the North Atlantic area." It
should be noted that the article only covers attacks in Europe and North
America, and gives each member significant latitude in choosing how to respond.
Congress would probably not approve a treaty that could draw the United States
further into the region's numerous conflicts. And an executive agreement would
not be particularly reassuring, since the language would almost certainly be
sufficiently vague as to have little practical value. The 1994 Budapest
Memorandum, which provided vague assurances to Ukraine in return for it giving
up nuclear weapons inherited from the former Soviet Union, is a glaring example
of the shortcomings of such an agreement given Russia's recent intervention by
proxy there.
Moreover, Tehran's reliance on subversion and proxy warfare (and, more recently,
offensive cyber operations) would likely complicate efforts to respond to a
perceived act of Iranian aggression -- as would the tendency of some U.S. Gulf
allies to see Iranian hands behind almost every event in the region.
CONCLUSION
The United States currently has a credibility deficit that threatens its
interests and endangers its allies. Thus far, the steps it has taken to assure
GCC allies -- arms transfers, forward presence, and redlines -- have often
failed to allay their doubts, and frequently compounded their fears.
Only by pushing back against Iran's efforts to expand its regional influence can
Washington hope to restore its credibility. To this end, the United States
should do the following:
Ramp up support for the opposition in Syria.
More proactively interdict Iran's arms shipments to allies and proxies in the
region.
Strengthen support for those partners engaged in conflicts with Tehran's allies
and proxies.
Supplement routine defensive exercises with exercises rehearsing long-range
offensive strike operations in the Gulf.
Tend to and sharpen redlines regarding Iran's nuclear program to more clearly
spell out the price Tehran would pay if it attempts a breakout.
There is no reason that such a policy cannot go hand-in-hand with engaging Iran,
just as the United States pushed back against Soviet aggression while engaging
Moscow during the Cold War. For as much as it may be in the American interest to
conclude a long-term nuclear accord with Tehran, it is also a U.S. interest to
curb Iranian activities that fuel sectarian violence, contribute to the appeal
of groups such as Jabhat al-Nusra and ISIS, and ultimately threaten the
stability and security of U.S. allies in the region. Such a policy would also go
a long way toward repairing ties with traditional allies in a part of the world
that still matters very much.
**Michael Eisenstadt is the Kahn Fellow and director of the Military and
Security Studies Program at The Washington Institute.
In Advance Of Obama-GCC Camp David Summit, Saudi Press
Warns: Iran's Interference In Region Poses Greater Danger Than Iranian Nuclear
Bomb
MEMRI/May 12, 2015 Special Dispatch No.6047
May 14, 2015 is the date set for the summit at Camp David between U.S. President
Barack Obama and heads of state of the member countries of the Gulf Cooperation
Council (GCC) – Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Kuwait, Bahrain, UAE, and Oman. A meeting
at the White House with President Obama and the conferees is planned for the
preceding day, May 13.
The objective of the Camp David summit, as announced several weeks ago, is to
reassure the GCC countries about the nuclear agreement slated to be signed with
Iran next month, as well as to discuss tighter U.S.-Gulf security
cooperation.[1] In advance of the summit, the GCC held several preparatory
meetings at various diplomatic levels, including: an April 20 meeting of GCC
foreign ministers; a May 4 summit of GCC heads of state which was attended also
by French President François Hollande; a May 7 meeting in Riyadh of Saudi
Foreign Minister 'Adel Al-Jubeir and his U.S. counterpart Secretary of State
John Kerry; and a May 8 meeting in Paris of all the GCC foreign ministers and
Kerry.
However, on May 9, Saudi Arabia announced that Saudi King Salman would not be at
the Camp David summit as planned, and that Crown Prince Mohammed bin Nayef and
Deputy Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman would be participating in his stead.
Saudi Foreign Minister 'Adel Al-Jubeir explained that the monarch would not
attend because he had to stay home to ensure peace and security in Yemen and to
oversee the arrival of humanitarian assistance to the Yemeni people.[2]
Later, it was reported that the Bahraini king, the UAE president, and the Sultan
of Oman would also not be attending the summit, sending representatives instead.
As of this writing, the Emirs of Kuwait and Qatar are the only GCC heads of
state who are planning to attend.
The downgrade of the level of representation at the summit appears to constitute
a message to the U.S. that Saudi Arabia and the other GCC member countries were
not pleased with the preliminary talks with Secretary of State Kerry, and also
that they were disappointed at what the summit would achieve. According to a May
2, 2015 New York Times report, the Saudis had even then hinted that they would
downgrade their representation if they felt that the summit was not going to
produce results that conformed to their expectations.[3]
In fact, Arab press reports that preceded the announcement of downgraded
representation pointed to what the GCC countries were demanding from the U.S.,
as well as to dissatisfaction on their part. At the May 4 summit of GCC heads of
state with Hollande, Saudi King Salman called on the international community,
especially the P5+1 that is negotiating with Iran, to "set stricter rules that
guarantee the region's security and prevent it from plunging into an arms race."
The king also stipulated that any final agreement with Iran must include
unambiguous security guarantees.[4] Additionally, on May 7, UAE Ambassador to
the U.S. Yousef Al Otaiba announced that the GCC would demand from the U.S.
guarantees in writing that the latter would defend it from Iran.[5] Likewise, on
May 9, the London-based Saudi daily Al-Hayat reported that even at the May 8
meeting with Kerry, the GCC foreign ministers had demanded U.S. guarantees that
their countries would have military superiority over Iran.[6]
Elaph.com also reported, on May 9, that the Gulf heads of state, headed by the
Saudi monarch, would not settle for aid, military contracts, and defense systems
provided by the U.S., but that they were seeking "clear, honest, and practical
clarification, by means of absolutely firm, long-term resolutions, that Iran
would be prevented from actualizing its expansionist aspirations in the region
and from developing nuclear weapons…" Elaph also reported that "the Gulf leaders
are headed for confrontation with the American president, and they want answers
and explanations about his positions on these burning issues…"[7]
On May 12, three days after the Saudis announced that King Salman would not be
attending the summit, it was reported that President Obama and King Salman had
spoken by phone about the preparations for the summit, and had discussed the
agenda of the meetings that would take place during it.[8] Both the White House,
in an announcement, and Saudi Foreign Minister 'Adel Al-Jubeir, at a press
conference, emphasized the continuing Saudi-U.S. partnership. According to the
White House announcement, Obama and Salman had, in their phone conversation,
"reviewed the agenda for the upcoming meetings" and had "agreed on the necessity
of working closely, along with other GCC member states, to build a collective
capacity to address more effectively the range of threats facing the region and
to resolve regional conflicts." The two also discussed "the importance of a
comprehensive agreement between the P5+1 and Iran that verifiably ensures the
exclusively peaceful nature of Iran’s nuclear program" and "emphasized the
strength of the two countries’ partnership, based on their shared interest and
commitment to the stability and prosperity of the region, and agreed to
continue... close consultations on a wide range of issues."[9] Also, at a
Washington press conference, the Saudi foreign minister stressed that King
Salman's "absence from the summit is not in any way connected to any
disagreement between the two countries," adding, "We have no doubts about the
U.S.'s commitment to Saudi and Gulf security. The U.S. will present the Gulf
countries with a new level of cooperation that will meet the needs on the
ground."[10]
At the same time, the Saudi press published numerous articles, including op-eds
and editorials, fiercely attacking the Obama administration's Middle East
policy, stating that it had repeatedly disappointed the Arab countries, in its
positions on Syria, Iraq, Bahrain, Yemen, and Iran. The articles accused the
Obama administration of reinforcing Iran's power in the region – so much so that
it was now threatening GCC interests – and claimed that it was not the Iranian
nuclear bomb but Iran's imperialism in the region and Iran's interference in the
affairs of the Arab countries that was the "real bomb threatening [the Arab
countries'] security," and called on the U.S. to curb these. These articles
focused on the demands that the GCC countries would be presenting to Obama at
the summit, including that he change his policy towards Iran and "restore the
regional balance," while at the same time he would undertake unprecedented
security military cooperation with the GCC. The articles emphasized that "the
Gulf countries no longer believe the U.S.'s promises and guarantees," and that
they would now demand guarantees in writing. Some of the articles even warned
that U.S.-GCC relations were now at a point of a grave, even critical crisis of
confidence, and that the Camp David summit was a chance for the U.S. to prevent
the collapse of its alliance with the GCC. If this alliance did fall apart, they
said, U.S. interests in the region would suffer, and the smoldering regional
conflict would erupt into a conflagration.
Below are translated excerpts from some of the articles:
GCC logo against backdrop of photo of Camp David sign. Source: Al-Sharq Al-Awsat,
London, May 12, 2015)
'Al-Sharq Al-Awsat' Editor: The Dissolution Of The U.S.-Gulf Alliance Will Harm
U.S. Interests In The Region
Salman Al-Dosari, editor of the London-based Saudi daily Al-Sharq Al-Awsat,
argued that the mutual trust between the US and the Gulf states had eroded to an
extent that jeopardizes the alliance between them: "The upcoming Camp David
summit may be the most important Gulf-U.S. meeting to take place in 50 years,
[because] the U.S.-Gulf alliance is going through a phase of tension and a
crisis of confidence… Washington is aware of this and it is no secret. Who
knows, perhaps the summit will be an opportunity to put the train of this
historic alliance back on the track from which it slipped in recent years. The
summit will be an opportunity for the American administration to shift from talk
to action, and quell the doubts in the region regarding its credibility, that
has been put to the test [by a series of events,] starting with the Syrian
crisis, continuing with [America's]feeble position on the events in Bahrain,
Egypt and Iraq, and culminating in the nebulous and secret agreement that is
expected to be signed with Iran…
"All [U.S.] institutions are aware of the negative repercussions for American
interests that will ensue if the alliance with the Gulf States is dissolved.
Naturally, the two parties do not have to be [perfectly] coordinated in their
policies. However, it is unreasonable for U.S. policy to threaten the interests
of the Gulf States, and later we [are bound to] discover that U.S. interests in
the region have been harmed as well. This proves that Washington's policy in the
region is completely misguided...
"President Obama undoubtedly has a clear plan that will translate American talk
into action, as reflected in statements by a senior American official last
Thursday, published in Al-Sharq Al-Awsat, regarding 'unprecedented military
cooperation' that will be revealed at the Camp David summit. It is also
important that the U.S. give [the Gulf States] its assurances in writing… Only
by such actions can the U.S. restore the cordiality to its relations with the
Gulf States and truly demonstrate that the final nuclear agreement expected to
be signed [with Iran] will not include ambiguous meanings and unclear details.
"The US wants to kill two birds with one stone, [namely achieve] excellent
relations with the Gulf States and with Iran simultaneously. This equation is
unacceptable, not because the Gulf States hate [Iran], but because the Iranian
regime is predicated on hostility to its neighbors in the Arabian Gulf, and its
entire policy is geared towards intervening in their internal affairs. This is
the entire story, honorable President Barack Obama."[11]
Al-Hayat Editor: U.S. Hesitation At Camp David Will Cause The Regional Conflict
To Erupt
Ghassan Charbel, editor-in-chief of the London-based Saudi daily Al-Hayat,
wrote: "The U.S. is not interested in playing the role of the Middle East's
policeman. It does not wish to squander additional billions [of dollars] and
blood. However, it certainly cannot wash its hands of the fate of this region of
the world – not just because [it seeks to preserve] the security of oil and of
Israel, but also for the sake of the security of the U.S. and the West.
Experience teaches us that Middle East diseases are contagious, and that the
terrorism that is taking root there threatens the safety of New York,
Washington, Paris, Berlin, and so on.
"It would be no exaggeration to say that the U.S.-Gulf summit at Camp David
creates an unusual encounter that will leave its mark on the fate of the Middle
East for years or [even] decades to come. The summit demands more than just
dispersing [messages of] reconciliation and calm [to alleviate Gulf fears]. The
situation is too grave to be treated with painkillers and hopes. The framework
of a new regional order must be outlined; [such an order] must restore the
necessary balance and provide safety valves to stop the chain of collapses,
coups, and infiltrations [of foreign elements]. It is clear that the Iranian
specter will be at the summit, bearing two bombs [that is, both nuclear bomb and
the bomb represented by the regional role that Iran is seeking]...
"The problem that the GCC countries have with Iran does not end with Iran's
nuclear program. The GCC countries maintain that Iran's current interference...
is the real bomb threatening the security of the GCC countries, and [also]
threatening the stability and status of the Arabs in the region. Therefore, what
the Gulf is demanding at Camp David is measures to curb Iran's involvement in
the region, in addition to curbing its nuclear ambitions...
"It appears, therefore, that the Camp David summit must clarify the American
position vis-à-vis the two Iranian 'bombs' – the first being the nuclear
program, and the second being the regional role [that Iran covets]. The GCC is
against the view that an agreement concerning the first bomb is a character
reference providing it with what it needs in order to protect and expand the
second bomb. This goes beyond the issue of missile defense [to be provided by
the U.S. to] the Gulf countries, and beyond providing it with a deterrent
arsenal, and has to do with the U.S.'s perception regarding its own interests in
the next stage, how committed it is to its allies, and how serious it is in
thwarting Iran's takeover of the region – as well as how [willing] it is to give
[the Gulf countries] unequivocal [security] guarantees.
"It is impossible to establish a suitable regional order without first restoring
balance to the region. The bomb of [the regional] role [for which Iran strives]
contradicts the required balance, and the American hesitation to deal with it
[i.e. with Iran] decisively and seriously will diminish the importance of the
summit and increase the Gulf countries' apprehensions about Obama's 'Iran
policy.' American hesitation will also cause the regional conflict to erupt,
especially the Syrian link [in the chain]... That is, if the Camp David summit
does not address these two bombs, it will add fuel to the alarming Middle East
conflagration."[12]
'All-Hayat' Columnist: We No Longer Believe Obama's Promises; Saudi Arabia Has
Alternatives To The U.S. – Such As China And France
George Sama'an, a columnist for the London-based Saudi daily Al-Hayat, wrote
about the U.S. president's dilemma, under the headline "Obama Stuck Between
Losing Saudi Arabia and Stopping Iran's Expansion": "Iran. There is no other
issue but Iran on the agenda of the U.S.-Gulf summit set for this week in
Washington and Camp David. The [Iranian] nuclear program has worried, and
continues to worry, the members of the GCC. In their meetings in Paris with U.S.
Secretary of State John Kerry, the GCC foreign ministers did not focus on
technical clarifications related to the program nor on those related to the
mechanism of economic sanctions. What they fear is the day after the anticipated
agreement between Iran and the five superpowers and Germany.
"Like many who oppose the approach of the American dialogue [with Iran], they
fear Iran's getting its hands on the region. [Iran] could gain from the lifting
of the siege and of the sanctions on its frozen assets by continuing its
regional expansionist program. Despite its [economic] distress, Iran has
accelerated this expansionism, with brazen persistence. Its strategy relies on
two main elements: the advanced, developed, and extensive arsenal of missiles in
its possession, which are conventional weapons that are not subject to an
international ban such as nuclear energy, and on continuing its expansion using
its Shi'ite forces and militias in several Arab countries...
"The Gulf states are among the countries that no longer believe the promises and
guarantees that the U.S. is providing these days. Obama has not kept any of the
promises he made to the residents of the region since his speeches in Egypt and
Turkey... The American indifference regarding the events in Iraq, for instance,
left that country in Iran's hands, and this scenario has been repeated in all
the countries of the Levant [i.e. Syria and Lebanon]. The Obama administration
has made no serious attempts to arrive at an arrangement [to resolve] the Syria
crisis, leaving that country in [the hands of] Tehran and Moscow... [Obama] also
kept out of the events in Yemen prior to [Operation] Decisive Storm...
"[The U.S.'s] partners did not have the sense that it wanted to end Iran's lack
of restraint and expansionism in the region, even if it led to damage to several
Arab countries and their national unity. It [i.e. the U.S.] also did not do
enough to address the conventional missile industry, at which Iran excels,
possibly as a temporary substitute for the banned nuclear bomb...
"Today, the strategic arena is no longer solely in the hands of the U.S. and
Iran. Arabs have a say and a policy [in them,] following Saudi Arabia's
establishment of the new coalition... No matter how far overboard the U.S. goes
in relying on its future relations with Iran and on [Iran's] role in the
stability of the region, it can no longer ignore the positions of the residents
of the Gulf, headed by Saudi Arabia – which has proven itself as the central
player with regard to energy... Operation Decisive Storm has increased the
Saudis' ability to correct the imbalance in the power balance with Iran...
"In light of the changes in the regional and strategic arenas, it is not enough
for President Obama to provide guarantees or attempt to calm the situation, to
make do with talk about ABM [systems] for the Gulf as he did five years ago, or
to focus on the war on terror. What [he] must do [now] is take an active role in
a policy that will restore the balance among the region's major powers, and
reexamine his policy in Iraq, Syria, Yemen, and Lebanon. Will he do this, and
grow closer to the U.S.'s traditional partners instead of pushing them away?
"The Arab coalition will not stop. Many elements that could replace the U.S.,
from China to France, should be considered. [Likewise,] the Gulf states might
possibly decide to initiate an arms race, for which they have the suitable
economic capacities."[13]
In the same vein, Saudi columnist Muhammad Aal Al-Sheikh wrote, in the Saudi Al-Jazirah
daily: "Last Tuesday in Riyadh, a GCC consultation summit was held, led by King
Salman; during it, the countries stressed the unity, adherence, and solidarity
amongst them... At this summit, the participation of French President Hollande,
as a guest of honor, stood out. It constituted a clear and highly significant
message to the American president, Obama, who has been chasing down the Persian
ayatollahs to get them to sign a final agreement regarding the peacefulness of
the Iranian nuclear facilities and to remove the sanctions from them.
"The message [sent by Hollande's presence] said clearly to Obama, prior to the
summit with the Gulf heads of state at Camp David: 'Gulf residents, there are
other options. You are not alone in the arena. France is an independent
decision-maker, as Francophones tend to be. France is a world power, a permanent
member of the U.N. Security Council with a veto, and a major and advanced
manufacturer of developed weaponry. And, some of the armament agreements and
military deals of the Gulf countries are going to be [signed] with it.'
"This is an extremely clear message, and the [U.S.] Republican Party will
necessarily use it against the Democrats, particularly in the upcoming
presidential election campaign between the two parties."[14]
Endnotes:
[1] Alarabiya.net April 3, 2015, April 6, 2015.
[2] Alarabiya.net, May 10, 2015.
[3] Nytimes.com, May 2, 2015.
[4] Arabnews.com, May 5, 2015.
[5] Al-Riyadh (Saudi Arabia), May 7, 2015.
[6] Al-Hayat (London), May 9, 2015.
[7] Elaph.com, May 9, 2015.
[8] Alarabiya.net; Al-Quds Al-Arabi (London), May 12, 2015.
[9] Al-Quds Al-Arabi (London), May 12, 2015; Whitehouse.gov/the-press-office/2015/05/11/readout-president-s-call-king-salman-bin-abdulaziz-al-saud-saudi-arabia.
May 11, 2015.
[10] Telegraph (London) May 12, 2015; Usatoday.com, May 11, 2015; Al-Sharq Al-Awsat
(London) May 12, 2015.
[11] Al-Sharq Al-Awsat (London), May 11, 2015.
[12] Al-Hayat (London), May 11, 2015.
[13] Al-Hayat (London), May 11, 2015.
[14] Al-Jazirah (Saudi Arabia) May 10, 2015.