LCCC ENGLISH DAILY
NEWS BULLETIN
November 14/14
Bible Quotation For Today/The Weak and
the Strong
Romans 14/01-23: "Accept the one whose faith is weak, without
quarreling over disputable matters. One person’s faith allows them to eat
anything, but another, whose faith is weak, eats only vegetables. The one who
eats everything must not treat with contempt the one who does not, and the one
who does not eat everything must not judge the one who does, for God has
accepted them. Who are you to judge someone else’s servant? To their own master,
servants stand or fall. And they will stand, for the Lord is able to make them
stand.
One person considers one day more sacred than another; another considers every
day alike. Each of them should be fully convinced in their own mind. Whoever
regards one day as special does so to the Lord. Whoever eats meat does so to the
Lord, for they give thanks to God; and whoever abstains does so to the Lord and
gives thanks to God. For none of us lives for ourselves alone, and none of us
dies for ourselves alone. If we live, we live for the Lord; and if we die, we
die for the Lord. So, whether we live or die, we belong to the Lord. For this
very reason, Christ died and returned to life so that he might be the Lord of
both the dead and the living. You, then, why do you judge your brother or
sister? Or why do you treat them with contempt? For we will all stand before
God’s judgment seat. 1 It is written:
“‘As surely as I live,’ says the Lord,‘every knee will bow before me; every
tongue will acknowledge God.’” So then, each of us will give an account of
ourselves to God. Therefore let us stop passing judgment on one another.
Instead, make up your mind not to put any stumbling block or obstacle in the way
of a brother or sister. I am convinced, being fully persuaded in the Lord Jesus,
that nothing is unclean in itself. But if anyone regards something as unclean,
then for that person it is unclean. If your brother or sister is distressed
because of what you eat, you are no longer acting in love. Do not by your eating
destroy someone for whom Christ died. Therefore do not let what you know is good
be spoken of as evil. For the kingdom of God is not a matter of eating and
drinking, but of righteousness, peace and joy in the Holy Spirit, because anyone
who serves Christ in this way is pleasing to God and receives human approval.
Let us therefore make every effort to do what leads to peace and to mutual
edification. Do not destroy the work of God for the sake of food. All food is
clean, but it is wrong for a person to eat anything that causes someone else to
stumble. It is better not to eat meat or drink wine or to do anything else that
will cause your brother or sister to fall. So whatever you believe about these
things keep between yourself and God. Blessed is the one who does not condemn
himself by what he approves. But whoever has doubts is condemned if they eat,
because their eating is not from faith; and everything that does not come from
faith is sin.
Latest
analysis, editorials from miscellaneous sources published on November 13-14/14
The fighters of Iraq who answer to Iran/Ynetnews /Reuters/November 13/14
What Will Follow the November 24 Deadline/Tariq Alhomayed /Asharq Al Awsat/November
13/14
In Syria, the Alliance of Minorities is Counterproductive/Eyad Abu Shakra /Asharq
Al Awsat/November 13/14
Don’t underestimate ISIS’ Baghdadi/Joyce Karam /Al Arabiya/November 13/14
Your terrorism won’t divide us/Jamal Khashoggi /Al Arabiya/November
13/14
The Roots of the Yemeni Crisis/Ali Ibrahim/Asharq Al Awsat/November
13/14
Iran’s conservatives turn up heat on nuclear deal as deadline approaches/Ali M.
Pedram /Asharq Al Awsat/November
13/14
A Turkish Quest to "Liberate" Jerusalem/Burak
Bekdil/The Gatestone Institute/November 13/14
Lebanese Related News
published on November
13-14/14
Geagea with Polls under 1960 Law if Constitutional Council 'Shortens' Extension
Period
IS Releases Audio of Chief Baghdadi after Death Rumors
FPM Challenges Parliament's Term Extension before Constitutional Council
Hizbullah Delegation from Rabieh: Aoun is Our Candidate and This is Final
Canada to Extradite Accused Paris Bomber to France
Daryan Meets al-Rahi: All MPs Must Take Part in Presidential Elections Sessions
at Parliament
Peruvian police arrest Hezbollah member
U.N. urges Lebanon to finally select a president
UNIFIL chief presides over tripartite meeting
Hezbollah’s 'impunity' undermines stability: Hale
Lebanon health minister dishes up more food-safety violators
Lebanon food scandal causes Cabinet bellyache
Abu Faour set to expose Beirut’s dirty secrets
Czech FM: Lebanese Army first to defeat ISIS
Hezbollah officials to visit Aoun
Lebanon gets served on Twitter
Hajj Hasan: Protect productive sectors
Up close and personal with Canadian-Lebanese singer
Karl Wolf
Miscellaneous Reports And News published on
November 13-14/14
Canada Denounces Attacks on Mosque and Synagogue
Iran’s conservatives turn up heat on nuclear deal as deadline approaches
US says Iraq remains priority over Syria in ISIS fight
Kerry meets Abbas as Israeli-Palestinian tensions soar
Kerry to meet Netanyahu and Jordan's king
Red Cross offers to help Syria 'reconciliation'
Syria jails veteran dissident detained at border
ISIS says Dutch suicide bomber struck Iraq police
French jihadi who spent days in Syria jailed
France urges Israel to reverse settlement decision
U.S. raps Israeli settler plans as tensions soar
Russia, U.S. urge Iran nuclear deal ‘as soon as possible’
Shocking ISIS photo: children gaze at decapitated men
Saudi Arabia to open embassy in Baghdad soon: Prince Faisal
Saudi beheads another Pakistani on drugs charges
Turkey set to issue temporary work permits to Syrian refugees
Turkish nationalists assault U.S. sailors
Car bombs target Egyptian, UAE embassy in Libya
Attacks in Egypt's Sinai kill two police, three soldiers
U.S. Senators: Iran Deal must Dismantle Nuclear Program
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Geagea with Polls under 1960 Law if
Constitutional Council 'Shortens' Extension Period
Naharnet ظLebanese Forces leader Samir Geagea on Thursday said he supports going
to parliamentary elections if the Constitutional Council decides to shorten the
extended term of parliament, stressing that Saudi Arabia did not influence his
party's decision to vote in favor of extension. “If the Constitutional Council
decides to shorten the extension period, we are with going to elections, even
under the 1960 (electoral) law,” Geagea said in an interview on LBCI television.
Geagea described the appeal submitted earlier in the day to the Constitutional
Council by the Change and Reform bloc as a "folkloric step," hoping the
Constitutional Council will “shorten the extension period.”
“Has any minister asked the government about the reason that prevented it from
preparing for elections? Are they playing smart now by filing a challenge?” said
Geagea.
“It was not (head of the Change and Reform bloc Michel) Aoun who proposed the
Orthodox Gathering law, we did,” the LF leader noted, in reference to a
controversial electoral law under which each sect would elect its own MPs.
“Aoun opposed the Orthodox Gathering law when we proposed it in Bkirki,” said
Geagea.
Defending his party's decision to vote in favor of extension, Geagea added: “Of
course we were against extension when the choice was between extension and
parliamentary polls, but we chose extension over the risk of falling into the
unknown.”
“Speaker (Nabih) Berri kept saying that he would not approve extension and
Hizbullah's stance was not clear, that's why we were afraid to fall into the
unknown,” he explained.
Denying claims that his stance was influenced by Saudi Arabia, which he visited
last month, Geagea stressed that “the issue of extension was not raised even for
a single moment in Saudi Arabia.”
While in the kingdom, “I agreed with (al-Mustaqbal movement leader Saad) Hariri
that I would not vote for extension, but the circumstances changed in Beirut,”
Geagea pointed out.
“Hariri urged me several times to vote for extension and I told him that I would
not vote for it and that this was the stance of the LF's executive committee,”
he revealed.
However, the LF leader noted that he was “not convinced of the reasons announced
by the interior minister to postpone the elections,” adding that “it would have
been better to hold the elections.”
“We must become accustomed to holding elections regardless of the security
situations,” Geagea stated.
“The other reason that pushed us to accept extension was that we did not want
others to get accustomed to passing major decisions without the approval of
Christians,” he added.
Asked whether the political paralysis in the country was aimed at reaching a
constituent assembly that would reshape the entire political system, Geagea said
“when you speak of a constituent assembly you must have a workpaper and it is
inexistent at the moment.”
“If some believe that the Taef Accord is not valid, let them propose an
alternative project and I'm not so fond of the Taef Accord,” said Geagea.
He accused the parliamentary blocs of Hizbullah and the FPM of “obstructing
everything.”
“The Change and Reform bloc's priority is the election of General Aoun as
president and I bet that if an agreement is reached today to elect Aoun is
president, his MPs would go to the parliament to elect him, although they have
labeled the legislature as illegitimate,” Geagea noted. On the issue of the
stalled presidential elections, Geagea wondered “how can one say that the
Aoun-Geagea competition has torpedoed the presidential vote.”
“What was the Lebanese Forces supposed to do other than attending all the
electoral sessions?” he asked rhetorically.
“Aoun must be pressed to go to parliament and elect a president and there is
another solution, which is reaching an understanding over a president,” added
Geagea.
Asked about claims that his "historic mission" has always been to prevent Aoun
from reaching the Baabda Palace, Geagea said: “I'm not carrying any historic
mission other than my political project and I have carried this concern for 35
years -- during the war, in prison and during peace times -- and I have the
right to announce my nomination.”
As for the stance of the March 14 forces, Geagea said he told the coalition's
two other candidates – Kataeb Party chief Amin Gemayel and MP Butros Harb --
that he would “immediately withdraw in favor of anyone who can secure more
votes.”
Last week, 95 out of 128 lawmakers voted to extend their term in office for a
second time, amid a boycott by the FPM and the Kataeb Party.
Lebanon has been without a president since May when the term of Michel Suleiman
ended.
A dispute between the rival March 8 and 14 camps over a compromise candidate has
thwarted the election of a new president.
IS Releases Audio of Chief Baghdadi
after Death Rumors
Naharnet /he Islamic State group released a defiant audio recording Thursday it
said was of chief Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi, after air strikes on jihadist leaders in
Iraq sparked rumors he had been wounded or killed.
In the 17-minute message, the man purported to be Baghdadi vowed that IS, which
has overrun swathes of Iraq and Syria, will continue to expand despite
international air strikes, and that its opponents will be drawn into a ground
war.
"Be assured, O Muslims, for your State is good and in the best condition. Its
march will not stop and it will continue to expand," said the man in the
recording, whose voice sounded like Baghdadi's but whose identity could not be
independently confirmed.
"Soon, the Jews and Crusaders will be forced to come down to the ground and send
their ground forces to their deaths and destruction," he said.
U.S. President Barack Obama has announced plans to double the number of U.S.
military personnel in Iraq to up to 3,100 to help advise and train Baghdad's
forces -- a move the man in the audio recording said was the start of the ground
war between the two sides.
The message was the first said to be from Baghdadi since a video released in
July, shortly after IS proclaimed a "caliphate" over parts of Iraq and Syria, of
the jihadist leader delivering a Friday sermon in the northern Iraqi city of
Mosul.
While the recording seemed aimed at dispelling speculation that Baghdadi was
seriously injured or dead, it did not mention the strikes against IS leaders.
But it did reference the decision by Ansar Beit al-Maqdis, Egypt's deadliest
militant group, to pledge allegiance to Baghdadi and IS, which was announced
after the strikes.
The United States said that coalition aircraft launched strikes targeting IS
leaders in the area of their northern hub of Mosul on Friday, setting off a
flurry of speculation that Baghdadi was wounded or killed.
Some reports meanwhile pointed to another alleged strike near Iraq's border with
Syria, saying Baghdadi was hit there instead.
But officials in both Iraq and the United States have made clear that no one is
yet certain about Baghdadi's fate.
Pentagon spokesman Colonel Steven Warren said Monday that "the bottom line from
our perspective is we simply cannot confirm his current status."
And senior Iraqi officials from the interior and defense ministries and the
intelligence service said investigations were ongoing.
The death of the elusive IS leader would be a major victory for the U.S.-led
coalition, but with both areas where strikes were rumored to have hit Baghdadi
far from government control, confirming anything there will be difficult if not
impossible.
Rumors of Baghdadi's demise have surfaced before and the absence of video in
Thursday's release by the IS group's media arm is likely to fuel further
speculation he was indeed wounded.
IS spearheaded a militant offensive in June that overran Iraq's second city
Mosul and then swept through much of the country's Sunni Arab heartland, adding
chunks of a second country to territory it already held in Syria.
It has carried out atrocities in both countries.
The group has killed hundreds of Iraqi and Syrian tribesmen who opposed it,
attacked members of the Yazidi and other minorities, sold women as slaves,
executed scores of Iraqi security personnel and beheaded Western journalists and
aid workers on camera.
IS is one of the most powerful forces in Syria's civil war, a blood-soaked
conflict that, combined with former Iraqi premier Nuri al-Maliki's divisive
policies, facilitated the group's rise.
Activists and a monitoring group said Thursday that United Nations aid has
reached the last rebel-held area in the central Syrian city of Homs for the
first time in six months. "On Tuesday and Wednesday, 30 trucks of aid arrived in
Waer for the first time in six months," Rami Abdel Rahman of the Syrian
Observatory of Human Rights told AFP. IS meanwhile claimed responsibility on
Thursday for a suicide bombing targeting police in Iraq the day before, saying
it had been carried out by a Dutch national. It is the second attack allegedly
involving a suicide bomber from a Western country in less than a week, after a
British national blew up a truck packed with explosives in a northern town on
Friday. Thousands of foreign fighters have joined jihadist groups including IS,
sparking fears in Western countries that the militants may seek to return and
carry out attacks at home. Agence France Presse
Hizbullah Delegation from Rabieh: Aoun
is Our Candidate and This is Final
Naharnet/Hizbullah secretary-general's political aide Hussein
Khalil announced Thursday that Free Patriotic Movement leader MP Michel Aoun can
be considered a “consensual” presidential candidate, describing the disagreement
between the party and the movement over the extension of parliament's term as a
“minor” issue. “Our meeting today was aimed at reiterating that the relation
between Hizbullah and the FPM has surpassed the memorandum of understanding to
become an 'existential relation',” said Khalil after meeting Aoun in Rabieh. The
talks were also attended by Foreign Minister Jebran Bassil and head of
Hizbullah's Liaison and Coordination Unit Wafiq Safa. “The FPM and us have
become one body,” Khalil added. “We must put our hands together and close ranks
in the face of the fierce storms that are lashing our country and the region in
general,” he said. Recalling recent remarks by Hizbullah chief Sayyed Hassan
Nasrallah, who voiced support for Aoun in the presidential race, Khalil said
“what the Sayyed said about the presidency was the normal thing to say, because
General Aoun represents the pinnacle of national leadership.” “He has his own
decision and he is not subordinate to a foreign agenda and he's almost the sole
leader of Christians in Lebanon and the Middle East,” the Hizbullah official
explained.
Asked about the divergent stances over the issue of extending the parliament's
term, Khalil said “the issue of extension was a minor thing.” “We don't impose
our ideas on our allies, the same as our allies do not accept to impose their
will on us,” he added.
“We believe that General Aoun is the best candidate for the presidency and this
is our final stance,” Khalil said, in response to another question. “We consider
General Aoun to be a consensual man and he has the characteristics of the
prominent leader. He is a man of decision at the level of Lebanon and the region
and we'll defend our point of view till the end and this is our firm stance
which we will not change,” Khalil added. Last week, 95 out of 128 lawmakers
voted to extend their term in office for a second time, amid a boycott by the
FPM and the Kataeb Party. Lebanon has been without a president since May when
the term of Michel Suleiman ended. A dispute between the rival March 8 and 14
camps over a compromise candidate has thwarted the election of a new president.
FPM Challenges Parliament's Term Extension before
Constitutional Council
Naharnet /The Free Patriotic Movement submitted on Thursday a challenge before
the Constitutional Council over the parliament's new term extension. Change and
Reform bloc secretary and FPM member MP Ibrahim Kanaan presented the challenge.
Kanaan called on citizens “not to lose faith in state institutions during the
darkest times.”He pointed out that democracy means the staging of elections and
rotation of power, demanding the Constitutional Council to issue a decision
based on the constitution and that serves the nations interests. Al-Joumhouria
newspaper reported earlier on Thursday that the FPM, led by FPM chief Michel
Aoun and affiliated to the Change and Reform parliamentary bloc, prepared a
thirty-page document explaining the reasons behind the challenge. Sources close
to the FPM criticized in comments to the newspaper those who are saying that the
“challenge is merely a formal step that will not change anything.”
“We regret that referring to the Constitutional Council in Lebanon became a
formality... which indicates the extent of corruption in the state and its
institutions.”The sources demanded the council to prove to skeptics and all the
Lebanese that the state still exists.
On Wednesday, President of the Constitutional Council Issam Suleiman stressed
that members of the council will deal with any challenge against the extension
of the parliament's mandate according to norms.
The Constitutional Council failed to meet in 2013 to discuss a challenge by the
Free Patriotic Movement due to the absence of members close to Speaker Nabih
Berri and Progressive Socialist Party leader MP Walid Jumblat, who both backed
the extension.
The FPM had challenged the first tenure extension in June 2013 before the
Constitutional Council and vowed to challenge the latest extension after
lawmakers agreed to extend in a speedy session legislature's mandate until 2017.
The extension decision was met by a huge popular dismay. It was boycotted by FPM
chief Aoun's lawmakers and the Kataeb party, which is affiliated to the March 14
alliance.
Media reports said recently that lawmakers loyal to the Change and Reform
parliamentary bloc, which is comprised of the Tashnag party, Marada movement and
the FPM, would join FPM chief Aoun's party in challenging the extension.
Marada MPs had voted in favor of the extension, while Tashnag lawmakers had
rejected it.
Daryan Meets al-Rahi: All MPs Must
Take Part in Presidential Elections Sessions at Parliament
Naharnet/Grand Mufti Sheikh Abdul Latif Daryan stressed on Thursday the need to
elect a new president following last week's extension of parliament's term. He
said: “All lawmakers must take part in presidential elections sessions held at
parliament.”He made his remarks after holding talks at Bkirki with Maronite
Patriarch Beshara al-Rahi. “MPs must participate in the elections in order to
prevent Lebanon from being exposed on all levels,” noted Daryan. “All sides must
reach an agreement in order to save Lebanon from crises,” he stated. “Lebanon
belongs to all the Lebanese people and this nation deserves for us to elect a
president in order for life to return to state institutions,” said the Mufti.
“The patriarch and I are keen on Lebanon and it is our duty to make the call for
officials to elect a president,” he continued. “All sides must launch dialogue
to help end the crisis and avoid further dangers,” he stressed.
Last week, 95 out of 128 lawmakers voted to extend their term in office for a
second time. Parliament's new term will end in 2017. Lebanon has been without a
president since May when the term of Michel Suleiman ended. A dispute between
the rival March 8 and 14 camps over a compromise candidate has thwarted the
election of a president.
Canada to Extradite Accused Paris
Bomber to France
Naharnet /Canada's top court refused Thursday to hear a university professor's
final plea to halt his extradition to France, effectively ensuring he will face
trial for the 1980 bombing of a Paris synagogue. The decision brings to an end
60-year-old Hassan Diab's six-year legal battle to avoid what he said would be
an unfair prosecution in France for a crime he insists he did not commit. The
Supreme Court of Canada issued its decision in a one-line statement, saying his
appeal of a lower court ruling and the government's extradition order was
"dismissed without costs." Diab, who was taken into custody Wednesday afternoon
pending the announcement, could now be flown to France at any time. French
sources told AFP a police escort would arrive in Ottawa soon to bring Diab to
Paris. The 1980 bombing on the narrow Copernic Street was the first fatal attack
against the French Jewish community since the Nazi occupation in World War II.
It left four dead and 40 wounded. Canada's justice minister signed an order in
April 2012 to send Diab to France after a Canadian court the previous year
approved his extradition despite its concerns that the French case was "weak."
Diab has said he has "absolutely no connection whatsoever to the terrible 1980
attack," while his legal team argued he should not be extradited because a
conviction in Canada would be unlikely. In proceedings, Diab's lawyers mainly
sought to discredit what they've called "fatally flawed" handwriting analysis of
a Paris hotel slip in evidence. France says the slip was signed under a false
identity -- "Alexander Panadriyu" -- which was also used to purchase a
motorcycle used in the bombing. Diab's lawyers also challenged fingerprint
evidence saying it does not match Diab's, and noted that the suspect who signed
the Paris hotel slip was described by witnesses as middle-aged while Diab, would
have been 26 at the time, and that his passport shows Diab was not in France in
1980. They also sought to prove that then-justice minister Rob Nicholson reached
beyond his jurisdiction in ordering Diab's surrender, and that some of the
evidence in the case came from unsourced intelligence from the French
government, raising questions about its reliability. The intelligence used to
gather evidence has a "plausible connection" to torture, they said. But an
appeals court said it was satisfied the minister had properly tested the
allegations of torture, citing him as saying that Diab "is not being surrendered
to a country that condones the use of torture-derived evidence." As for whether
Canada should extradite a Canadian citizen to face a foreign prosecution, the
appeals court noted that Diab was not a Canadian national at the time of the
alleged offense and so Canada is treaty-bound to extradite him. Diab only became
a Canadian citizen in 2006, and is now the father of a nearly two-year-old girl
with his common-law wife. He claims he was studying in Beirut in 1980.Agence
France Presse
Peruvian police arrest Hezbollah
member
By Staff writer | Al Arabiya News/Thursday, 13 November 2014
Peruvian authorities have arrested a member of Lebanese militant group Hezbollah
who is suspected of planning to attack Jewish targets in the country, The Times
reported Thursday. Police said Mohammed Amadar was arrested on Oct. 28, and will
be charged in connection with possession of explosives, the newspaper reported.
Amadar had “traces of explosives” when he was arrested at an apartment he was
residing in, and was reportedly “surveying Jewish and Israeli targets in the
capital.”The authorities have not disclosed what prompted the investigation, but
Israeli spy agency Mossad had reportedly tipped off Peruvian police about Amadar.
Israeli media reported that Amadar arrived in Peru last November, and married a
woman with U.S. and Peruvian citizenship within two weeks. After Mossad tipped
off Peruvian authorities, Amadar was closely monitored, and it was discovered
that neither the suspect nor his wife worked, but received money via Western
Union.
Hezbollah’s 'impunity' undermines stability: Hale
Nov. 13, 2014 /The Daily Star/BEIRUT: Lebanon will not find
stability as long as Hezbollah is strong enough to act with impunity and enforce
its will, U.S. Ambassador to Lebanon David Hale said Thursday. Hale’s remarks
came in a speech he gave at the American Lebanese Chamber of Commerce, which
focused on the threat of ISIS. “But we all know defeating [ISIS] alone will not
restore stability to Lebanon. We all know there are underlying problems,” Hale
said. “High on the list of risks is the continued ability of one militia,
Hezbollah, to bear arms and act with impunity.”“So long as that is the case,
stability will be absent, and growth impeded.”Hale said that only national
dialogue and the adherence to the Baabda Declaration can pave the way for
Lebanon’s stability. But until then, Hezbollah’s power remains one of the main
obstacles.Until that dialogue advances, and its principles are not just agreed
to but adhered to, the risks to this country’s stability will remain very real,
Hale said. “The security institutions of the state should have the capability,
and sole legitimacy, to defend Lebanon’s territory,” he added. “For they alone –
and not a militia – are accountable to the people." He said the decisions of war
and peace directly affect every Lebanese citizen, and should thus be held by a
constitutional government accountable to the people, and “not to a militia
accountable to a foreign government.”
U.N. urges Lebanon to finally select a president
By The Associated Press | United Nations /Thursday, 13 November
2014
The United Nations Security Council is expressing concern and strongly
encouraging leaders in Lebanon to show “urgency and flexibility” in choosing a
president, as the country has been without a head of state since May. The
current council president, Australian Ambassador Gary Quinlan, read out the
press statement Wednesday after a briefing on the situation. President Michel
Suleiman stepped down after his six-year term ended without a replacement. The
presidency is the country’s top Christian-held position. Lawmakers last week
voted overwhelmingly to extend their mandate, skipping scheduled elections for
the second consecutive time. They say Lebanon’s security situation is too
fragile to allow elections during neighboring Syria’s civil war. Rights groups
worry that lawmakers are eroding the right to vote in a country with a tradition
of free elections.
Lebanon food scandal causes Cabinet bellyache
Hasan Lakkis/The Daily Star/13.11.14/BEIRUT: A Cabinet meeting got underway
Thursday with the food security scandal expected to be the hottest issue on the
table, ministerial sources told The Daily Star. The meeting's agenda of 49 items
excluded the controversial contract issues - for the mobile phone operators,
fuel suppliers for EDL and for garbage collection - that have plagued recent
sessions, the sources said. The food security scandal, which came to light after
Health Minister Wael Abu Faour began Tuesday naming well-known restaurants and
supermarkets that were caught selling contaminated foods, drew both criticism
and praise. Economy Minister Alain Hakim criticized Abu Faour Thursday after the
health minister added several more food sellers to the black list. “The [food
control] process at the Health Ministry is a routine measure, but the way the
minister talked about it is terrorizing,” Hakim said. Minister of State Nabil de
Freij acknowledged the importance of Abu Faour’s revelations, criticizing,
however, “the way they were disclosed.”
Both ministers made their comments as they walked into the Cabinet meeting. The
sources said discussion of the contentious issues related to the cellular
phones, garbage collection and the renewal of contracts of the two Algerian and
Kuwaiti fuel companies supplying EDL with the fuel had been postponed to future
meetings. Prime Minister Tammam Salam is expected to brief the Cabinet on the
latest developments in the government’s efforts to secure the freedom of the
captive security personnel held by the Nusra Front and ISIS, without giving any
details, the sources added.
Lebanon health minister dishes up more food-safety violators
The Daily Star/Nov. 13, 2014/BEIRUT: Health Minister Wael Abu Faour Thursday
revealed the names of more restaurants, bakeries and supermarkets selling
contaminated food, in the latest high-profile food industry scandal that has
dominated Lebanese headlines since Tuesday. Among the food establishments Abu
Faour named were three renowned supermarkets in Beirut: Monoprix, TSC and Aoun.
Other establishments included well-known restaurants like Halabi in Antelias,
north of Beirut, Abu Joseph in nearby Jal al-Dib and Hashem in the Kesrouan
province. Abu Faour vowed to push ahead with his clamp down, despite the heavy
attacks by his colleagues in the cabinet who thought his move was destructive.
"The campaign is ongoing," he told a news conference. "We will not stop," he
said while stressing that he would not succumb to intimidation. The highly
anticipated naming provoked a flurry of criticism from certain ministers
accusing Abu Faour of recklessnes, while others reiterated their support for the
campaign. Economy Minister Alain Hakim accused Abu Faour of commiting “terrorism
against the restaurants.”“It is like shooting ourselves in the head, not even in
the foot,” he told reporters before entering Thursday’s Cabinet session. Tourism
Minister Michel Pharaon said he was opposed to Abu Faour publicly naming the
restaurants, saying the announcement damages their reputations while the problem
of contiminated meat might not be their fault, but that of the suppliers. “The
restaurants take from sources that might be themselves the problem, and the read
inspection should be done on the suppliers,” he said, stressing that Lebanon’s
restaurants have a great reputation worldwide. Pharaon said his ministry was
very proud of Lebanese restaurants and especially the franchises mentioned by
Abu Faour like McDonald’s, Roadster Diner, Kababji and Hallab Sweets. MP Walid
Jumblatt, who has stood by Abu Faour over the past two days, reiterated his
support in a tweet Thursday, saying the initiative is meant to protect
consumers. Meanwhile, the Internal Security Forces said that all the
establishments listed by Abu Faour Tuesday had since pledged to stop selling the
products in question until the situation is legally resolved.
UNIFIL chief presides over tripartite meeting
The Daily Star/Nov. 13, 2014/BEIRUT: UNIFIL commander Maj. Gen.
Luciano Portolano presided over a tripartite meeting with Lebanese and Israeli
military officials in Naqoura over the implementation of UN Security Council
resolution 1701, a statement said Thursday. “It was a constructive meeting and I
was encouraged that the parties reaffirmed their support and commitment to
working with UNIFIL for the implementation of the relevant provisions of
resolution 1701," the UNIFIL statement quoted Portolano as saying at the
Wednesday meeting. "The parties committed to maintaining calm in the area and
preventing incidents and tension along the Blue Line.” He added: “In light of
the challenging regional developments, stability has prevailed in UNIFIL’s area
of operations. I commend both parties for their commitment and effective use of
UNIFIL’s liaison and coordination arrangements that have proven to be vital in
de-escalating tensions.”The parties discussed violations of the 2006 resolution
that ended the Lebanon-Israel war, and the issue of Israeli forces from northern
Ghajar.
Ahmad Hariri defends extension, blasts rivals
Nov. 13, 2014/The Daily Star/BEIRUT: Future Movement Secretary General Ahmad
Hariri defended his party's lawmakers who voted last week to approve
Parliament's extension by more than two years, telling AUB student supporters
that holding elections during a presidential vacuum was never an option. “The
reason [Future] voted for the extension is not that we are afraid of elections
as some people claim,” Hariri told a crowd of student leaders and supporters
from AUB Thursday. “But in the case of extension, our position was clear from
the beginning, which is that oppose conducting elections during presidential
vacuum.” Hariri also attacked his political rivals Hezbollah, Amal and the Free
Patriotic Movement, accusing them of obstruction. “There is a political faction
that wants to drag the country into total void, while it aims at amending the
Constitution and achieve the tripartite power sharing formula,” he said. A
tripartite formula calls for a 33-33-33 distribution of Christians, Shiites and
Sunnis in Parliament. The current system, based on the country’s 1943 National
Pact, give half the seats to Christians, and the other half to Muslims. “In
parallel, another faction wants to generalize vacuum, and extend its duration,
according to the logic that gives two choices: either him becoming president or
keeping the state without a head,” he said in reference to FPM chief Michel Aoun.
Hariri’s meeting with the students was held at the old Kantari presidential
palace, and came five days before AUB student council elections.
Kerry meets Abbas as Israeli-Palestinian tensions soar
Nov. 13, 2014/Hazel Ward/Agence France Presse
AMMAN: U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry met Palestinian President Mahmoud
Abbas in Jordan Thursday for talks aimed at calming a wave of violence gripping
Israel and the occupied territories. The meeting in Amman came hours after fresh
clashes broke out in East Jerusalem where Israeli police fired tear gas,
percussion bombs and rubber bullets to disperse Palestinian demonstrators.
Monthslong unrest in annexed East Jerusalem has in recent days spread to the
occupied West Bank and Arab communities across Israel, raising fears of a new
Palestinian uprising. The meeting between Abbas and Kerry, who arrived in Jordan
late Wednesday, came a day after Israel approved plans for another 200 settler
homes in occupied East Jerusalem, a move sharply criticized by Washington.
Kerry and a somber-looking Abbas embraced and had a brief whispered exchange as
they met at the Palestinian leader's hillside home in Amman where the U.S. and
Palestinian flags hung in front of a large night-time photo of Jerusalem's
flashpoint Al-Aqsa Mosque.
Much of the unrest in Jerusalem has been fueled by Israeli moves to step up
settlement activity in the city's eastern sector and by religious tensions at
the Al-Aqsa compound, a site holy to both Muslims and Jews. Earlier, a tense
confrontation erupted in the city's Issawiya neighborhood as about 100
residents, including schoolchildren, tried to block a main road after police
closed off several neighborhood entrances with concrete blocks. A local activist
denounced the blocks as "collective punishment" against Palestinians in
Jerusalem.
The Palestinians have also been infuriated by a far-right Jewish campaign for
prayer rights at the Al-Aqsa compound, although Israel insists it has no plans
to change the decades-old status quo. Israel's Public Security Minister Yitzhak
Aharonovitch said the authorities were on alert for more unrest, after several
attacks in recent weeks by Palestinians wielding knives or plowing cars into
pedestrians. "I believe there will still be terror attacks and other incidents
in the near future," he said. Abbas's spokesman said the Palestinian leader was
expected to tell Kerry of his growing concerns over Israel's actions,
particularly in Jerusalem. "The Palestinian position will be made crystal clear:
the Israeli violations are a red line and cannot be tolerated, especially with
the tension and Israeli escalation in Al-Aqsa and Jerusalem," Nabil Abu Rudeina
told AFP. In a letter to the U.N. Security Council sent Wednesday, Palestinian
Ambassador Riyad Mansour demanded international intervention over Al-Aqsa,
warning that tensions could "spiral out of control."
Clashes at the mosque compound have drawn sharp criticism from both the
Palestinians and Jordan, which has custodial rights at the shrine. Ahead of
Kerry's arrival, King Abdullah met Abbas in Amman for talks in which he
expressed his "total rejection" of Israel's "repeated aggression and
provocations in Jerusalem," a palace statement said. In a move likely to further
heighten tensions around the Al-Aqsa compound, Aharonovitch said late Wednesday
that he would reinstall metal detectors at the entrances along with new
facial-recognition technology. "We'll increase the supervision of people
entering the compound, both Jews and Muslims," he said. But Sheikh Azzam al-Khatib,
head of the Islamic Waqf which runs the compound, rejected the idea.
"This is unacceptable to all Muslims. It cannot be installed," he told AFP. The
U.S. State Department sharply condemned Israel's announcement of 200 new homes
in the East Jerusalem settlement neighborhood of Ramot. "We are deeply concerned
by this decision, particularly given the tense situation in Jerusalem,"
spokeswoman Jen Psaki said. U.N. chief Ban Ki-moon demanded both sides do
everything possible "to avoid further exacerbating an already tense
environment." On Wednesday, suspected Jewish extremists staged a pre-dawn arson
attack on a West Bank mosque two days after Palestinian knife attacks killed a
settler in the southern West Bank and an Israeli soldier in Tel Aviv.
Don’t underestimate ISIS’ Baghdadi
Thursday, 13 November 2014 /Joyce Karam /Al Arabiya
As death rumors swirl around Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi, the self-proclaimed Caliph of
the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS), it would be a mistake to
underestimate his role within ISIS itself and on the global Jihadi front at
large. Baghdadi is the closest Jihadist figure today to fill Osama Bin Laden's
shoes bringing ideological as well as strategic strengths to his organization.
While there is no U.S. confirmation that Baghdadi is either wounded or dead,
projecting a low impact of his demise misses key aspects of his leadership and
persona that prompted the rise of ISIS in the first place. In the event of
Baghdadi's death, ISIS undoubtedly won't be finished but its victorious momentum
that it has been building since June would be significantly undercut and the
movement will no longer be perceived as invincible. Replacing Baghdadi won't be
an easy task, however, given what he brings to the table in stage presence,
religiosity, Iraqi tribal roots and political methodology. ‘Bin Laden’s heir’
Even before we had heard from Baghdadi in his only public appearance in Mosul on
July 5, the capture of the Iraqi city and the skyrocketing rise of ISIS led
prominent Washington Post columnist David Ignatius to dub him as “the true heir
to Osama Bin Laden.” One can argue that Baghdadi went a step further than Bin
Laden by claiming territory then declaring a so-called Caliphate and an Islamic
state. “While Bin Laden was more careful and deliberate in maneuvering regional
politics, Baghdadi follows a more ruthless and savage playbook”
Baghdadi’s speech in Mosul mosque and his audio message on the eve of Ramadan
days prior to that, tell of a refined speaker, and one who similar to Bin Laden,
is calm, humble and at the same time treacherous in his approach. The 44 year
old son of Samara told his audience in that sermon “I’m no better than you.
Advise me when I err and follow me if I succeed. And assist me against the false
deities.” His thugs killed the imam of the mosque right after they captured the
city. Unlike al-Qaeda’s Ayman Zawahiri, and Jabhat al-Nusra leader Mohamed al-Golani,
Baghdadi can command an audience and excel in stage presence. While that might
sound trivial, this quality has become a rarity when contextualized in today’s
Arab world. Except for Hezbollah’s Secretary-General Hassan Nasrallah, very few
in the Arab world today are good orators or have eloquent grip of the Arabic
language. Baghdadi’s Mosul speech was not read from prepared remarks, but was
delivered in perfect Arabic.
Baghdadi, or Dr. Abu Dua as his nom de guerre goes, brings to his portfolio a
PhD in Islamic studies from the University of Baghdad, and was born into a
family of preachers. This attribute helped the so-called Caliph in overshadowing
frail and outdated Zawahiri, who is a doctor in training, and his appearances
lack the media craft that ISIS orchestrates for Baghdadi. It also puts him in a
different light from his predecessor Abu Musaab Zarqawi who was seen more of a
cold-blooded gangster. Baghdadi is ”more violent, more virulent, more
anti-American” than Zawahiri a U.S. official told the Washington Post, and
according to The Independent, he is very organized, methodical and strategic who
reviews annual reports of Iraqi provinces under the group's control.
While Bin Laden was more careful and deliberate in maneuvering regional
politics, for instance not going too far against Iran and not massacring
Shiites, Baghdadi follows a more ruthless and savage playbook. His strategy is
focused on rallying the disenfranchised Sunni base, exploiting political and
economic grievances of the locals, and building on the leadership vacuum
regionally. He combines some of Bin Laden’s aura with the skills of Anwar Awlaki,
recognizing the significance of foreign recruitments and outcasting Al-Qaeda in
less than six months by reaching 15,000 foreign recruits.
Stands out within ISIS
The biography of the ISIS Caliph published by Site Intel Group reveals key
aspects of why Baghdadi has an edge over his equally ferocious ISIS members. His
Iraqi background growing up in Samara and with strong tribal credentials, in
addition to being detained by U.S. forces in Bucca Camp in 2005, and a reported
Jihadist resume of eight years carried him to the helm of the terrorist group,
with a $10 million bounty on his head by U.S. Department of Justice.
Highlighting his tribal background as a “descendant from the tribes of the
Badriyeen (al-Bobadri) that are Radhawiyyah, Husseiniyyah, Hashimite, Qurashiyah,
Nazariyah, and Adnaniyah,” is essential to ISIS in marketing him to the locals
of Anbar and Mosul. Further emphasizing the tribal component, Baghdadi’s
biography even touts his mother as “one of the notables of the Bobadri tribe,
loves religion, and calls for decency and goodness.” Being detained by the U.S.
from 2005 to 2009 solidified his anti-Americanism and introduced him to other
detainees who sit on ISIS' Shura Council today. But mostly, Baghdadi’s religious
background, as a “preacher, a former educator”, stands out in contrast with his
fellow ISIS leaders who are floated as potential successors.
Baghdadi’s two deputies Abu Muslim al-Turkmani and Abu al-Ali Anbari, don’t have
the religious appeal that Baghdadi commands. They were both former generals in
the Iraqi army under Saddam Hussein, and pitting them as potential leaders of
ISIS if Baghdadi is dead, voids the group from the religious semblance that the
current “Caliph” possesses. Other names such as Abu Musab al-Suri and ISIS
spokesman Abu Mohamed al-Adnani, while skilled in the Islamic narrative, their
Syrian background at a time when ISIS is more focused on Iraq, and their lack of
deep tribal network, could complicate matters in Anbar for ISIS. Baghdadi’s fate
and whereabouts after last weekend’s airstrikes will add to his enigma without
promising a definitive answer anytime soon. His ruthless, invisible yet decisive
leadership of ISIS however, earned him the title of most powerful Jihadist
today, and adds more complexity to finding a replacement.
Your terrorism won’t divide us
Thursday, 13 November 2014
Jamal Khashoggi /Al Arabiya
Saudi Arabia’s al-Jazirah newspaper published a wonderful headline last
Wednesday. It read in bold red: “Your terrorism won’t divide us.” It’s a
reassuring message that Saudis need at a time when they see their neighbors
fighting and killing one another after being divided into sects and parties.
However, is it true that “they won’t divide us?” Has the Iraqi Sunni or the
Iraqi Shiite chose to live through the war they are currently facing? Should we
contemplate how sectarianism flared up in Iraq and who ignited it?
Sectarianism and hatred are not the choice of the general public. Most people
are moderate centrists like the people of the Saudi town of al-Ahsa who were
shocked last Monday evening by the first and most dangerous sectarian incident
to happen in their governorate. The aggressors were not from the area and they
do not represent the majority of Saudis. They are a group with deep hatred
towards the Shiites or rather towards “the other,” regardless of who this other
is. Their vision of the country and society does not harmonize with that of the
majority. Even if elections happen in Saudi Arabia, they wouldn’t win. But why
are they capable of dragging us all into the fire of sectarianism as they did in
Iraq? It’s because they are willing to do so and because we haven’t fortified
ourselves from the infection of sectarianism when they spread it among us. Most
of us refuse to make such a confession; however it’s the truth. Take a quick
tour of a religious education workshop and listen to the sectarianism and
insults when other sects, particularly the Shiites, are discussed. Take another
quick look at satellite television channels and you will hear even more hateful
statements under the excuse of defending what’s religiously right. School books,
fatwas (religious edicts), articles, social media and conversations in
gatherings’ have all instilled sectarianism and intolerance in us and have
prepared us to become involved in sectarian strife either by taking action or by
making statements.
Attack on a husseiniya
The leader of the attack on a husseiniya in the village of al-Dalwa embodies
this very well. All we know about him is that he snuck back from Syria into
Saudi Arabia and that he was member of the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria
(ISIS). We can therefore imagine what kind of intellect and doctrine he
espouses. He certainly did not go through the risk of sneaking back into Saudi
Arabia just because he hates the Shiites.
“Don’t underestimate the threat of al-Qaeda, ISIS or salafist jihadism by saying
they’re incapable of disintegrating our national unity”He returned to Saudi
Arabia, planned and conspired because he and his ISIS state have a sinful scheme
that targets the kingdom and its national unity. His plan, as we later learnt,
sought to cause as much harm as possible to the Shiites. He and his gang tried
to target the women’s section in the husseiniya (a Shiite gathering place) first
because he knew that killing women causes more anger. He wanted to stir hatred
in order to drag in moderates from all sides. This would anger the Sunnis who in
turn would verbally attack the Shiites. The state would arrest the assailantant
and tension would increase among us. Al-Qaeda or ISIS would then respond with an
attack and the victims would always be moderate citizens who did not choose to
be part of the struggle between the two parties. People would then forget who
started the fight but they would remember who killed who. They would exchange
photos of victims and each party would exaggerate the brutality of the other -
brutality that forms the basis of extremism between Sunnis and Shiites. The
victory of the Khomeini revolution and the rise of Sunni fundamentalism are what
will fuel great sedition.
Don’t underestimate the threat
Don’t underestimate the threat of al-Qaeda, ISIS or salafist jihadism by saying
they’re incapable of disintegrating our national unity. I hope the Shiites also
clarify their stance towards extremists on their side, such as towards Nimr al-Nimr
who has been detained and sentenced to death and who attacked the pillars of the
Saudi state. Don’t be reassured by the romantic stories of Sunnis and the
Shiites eating dates together in a farm in al-Ahsa. The Iraqis also ruefully
speak of the days of co-existence between their Shiites and Sunnis but look how
they ended up when they submitted to people like Nouri al-Maliki and Abu Bakr
al-Baghdadi who are capable of dragging everyone into their sectarian agenda.
Yes, tension with Iran contributed to increasing sectarian strife but it’s in
Saudi Arabia’s interest to refrain from using sectarianism as one of the tools
in this struggle with Iran. Despite the latter’s obvious sectarianism, we must
rise above this. We cannot act like them and hang every Shiite opposition figure
on gallows like they are doing to Sunni Ahwazi people every Friday. We are not
helping the Syrian people because they are Sunnis but because they want freedom.
We did not oppose Nouri al-Maliki in Iraq because he’s a Shiite but because he
tore his country apart. We must prevent any preacher from attacking the Shiite
sect because by attacking the latter sect, he is harming all Saudi citizens,
tearing the country’s unity apart and creating the foundation for al-Qaeda and
similar groups to act.
Let us neutralize sects when it comes to the struggle with Iran as the latter is
like al-Qaeda - it hopes for chaos and strife in our country because that is how
it seeks to expand.
Up close and personal with Canadian-Lebanese singer Karl Wolf
By Stephanie Farah | Al Arabiya News
Thursday, 13 November 2014 /Canadian-Lebanese singer Karl Wolf has made a
comeback with the release of his fifth studio album. Al Arabiya News got in
touch with Wolf, who is currently on tour across North America. Having grown up
in Dubai, the musician and producer found fame with the release of his first
album “Face Behind the Face” in 2006. He went on to release four more albums,
with chart-topping hits including “Africa”, “Carrera”, “Ghetto Love” and “Yala
Habibi.” In creating his own label, Lone Wolf Entertainment, Karl has taken his
music into his own hands. The multi-award-winning, triple-platinum-selling
artist features numerous eminent songwriters, musicians and producers on his
latest album, such as Show Stevens, David Neale, Jim Beanz, Fatman Scoop and
Timbaland.
“Magic Hotel,” featuring Timbaland and BK Brasco, was a number-one hit.
Timbaland is “one of the most creative and out-of-the-box urban producers out
there,” said Wolf. “I’ve always been a fan, and when we connected it was
literally magic on my song, no pun intended.”m Having taken two years to release
his latest album, there was a great deal of anticipation.“I really wanted to
make an album that was respected by the music community as well as by fans -
catchy, yet super-creative and special. I believe I’ve done just that, and I’m
extremely proud of it,” said Wolf. After breaking worldwide with his hit
“Africa,” he was often described as acquiring fame by sampling Toto’s version.
This motivated Wolf to demonstrate his originality through his latest album
“Stereotype.”
He said: “I wanted to prove everyone wrong, that I was an original songwriter
and producer before I became an artist.”However, “Africa” was “the song to break
the door wide open.Ever since that single, I continued releasing records that
went gold and platinum.”Wolf got in touch with his roots this year when he shot
the music video for “Summer Time” in Beirut. The shoot was inspired by his
intent to show the West that people in the Middle East are “not as primitive and
blind to popular culture as some might believe.
“We have parties like no other, we know how to have fun, we have beautiful,
smart, talented people, and we’re with it. “Besides, I’m Lebanese and I wanted
an excuse to visit my grandmother and the rest of my family,” Wolf laughed.
What Will Follow the November 24 Deadline?
ariq Alhomayed /Asharq Al Awsat/Thursday, 13 Nov, 2014
The media spotlight is currently focused on the talks between the US, EU and
Iran in Muscat, ahead of a November 24 deadline to reach a comprehensive deal on
Tehran’s nuclear program. But the question is: what happens after the deadline?
US Secretary of State John Kerry said last week that Washington and its partners
will not consider extending it again if there is no agreement. Nevertheless,
Kerry did not rule out the possibility of extending the deadline in the event an
agreement on the key issues had been reached, with only the technical details
remaining to be finalized. Will the deadline be extended? What will be the
alternative if the talks fail to reach an agreement? What will the situation in
the region be like? What will relations between the West—and the US in
particular—and Iran be like? Will they be in a state of war? Or will the
“no-war, no-peace” situation continue? Does this mean that Iran will carry on
with its nuclear program? What will the position of Israel be on that? Strangely
enough, these significant questions are being ignored, not only by media, but by
some Arab politicians who use a strangely optimistic tone when talking about the
negotiations with Iran. Ali Akbar Velayati, a senior adviser to Iran’s Supreme
Leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, said Iran will not abandon its nuclear rights
but is still committed to the negotiations. On the other hand, US President
Barack Obama said a big gap still exists between Iran and the Western powers in
terms of reaching an agreement guaranteeing Tehran’s inability to produce
nuclear weapons. He added that reaching an agreement may be a long shot. Obama
maintained that a final step would include Iran offering guarantees it will not
develop nuclear weapons, adding that the talks may not achieve any progress.
Obama’s comments do not reflect his administration’s realistic approach; rather,
Obama is himself facing internal difficulties after the Republicans won a
majority in Congress and the Senate in the midterm elections earlier this month.
It is no secret that the Republicans will not show any sympathy to any
concessions Obama makes to the Iranians.
Therefore, the pressing question remains: what will follow the November 24
deadline? The Obama administration, due to the nuclear talks, has neglected some
significant regional issues, exposing one of its most significant regional
allies to danger, all with the hope of achieving a political victory, namely a
nuclear agreement with Iran. Obama is approaching the final stretch of his
second and last presidential term with his approval rating in the basement,
given his lack of real achievements. The question I pose to the US and the West
is this: what will come after November 24? As for the region, is it prepared for
the worst? Whatever it is, what is next is going to be absolutely worse.
In Syria, the Alliance of Minorities is Counterproductive
Eyad Abu Shakra /Asharq Al Awsat/Thursday, 13 Nov, 2014
Sultan Al-Atrash, a leading figure in the Great Syrian Revolt against the French
in 1925, remains a larger-than-life hero in Druze folk culture. These days, the
Druze of Syria find themselves at a crossroads, and need to decide where their
loyalties lie, as the country faces the threat of disintegration as well as
extremist takfirists seeking to impose their hegemony over the land. For the
Druze, this a situation they have always sought to avoid.
As an esoteric Muslim minority that grew out of Ismaili Shi’ism, the Druze have
almost always acted as a community that was keenly aware of its small size, and
consequently its interests, and thus has rarely committed anything approaching a
fatal mistake. Even after the Fatimid Caliph Ali Al-Zahir destroyed their
confessional “call” in Egypt, and later the demise of the Shi’ite Ismaili
presence there at the hands of the Ayyubid dynasty, the latter—who were Sunni
Kurds—recognized the Druze as the military rulers of Mount Lebanon, in
appreciation of their valiant defense of the Muslim Levant against the
Crusaders.
Indeed, while they suffered massive persecution and massacres at the hands of
Al-Zahir and his clients—the most prominent of which were the Shi’ite Merdassi
Arab rulers of Aleppo—the Druze were never truly engaged in sectarian
confrontations with their majority-Sunni neighbors. In fact the opposite was
true, as the two great Mamluk and Ottoman states continued to respect the Druze
control of, and privileges in, Mount Lebanon and adjacent areas. In turn, the
Druze were astute in their dealings with these two dominant regional powers,
always keeping their options open during times of turmoil and change.
Then, when the Safavids of Iran challenged the Ottoman Empire during the 16th
century, the Druze, led by the princely Ma’an dynasty, which hails from the
great Arab mother tribe of Rabi’a Bin Nizar, sided politically and militarily
with the Ottomans.
When Ma’anid rule came to an end, the Druze of Mount Lebanon accepted the Sunni
Shihab princely dynasty, who are related through marriage to the Druze Ma’anids.
Later on, as the Jumblatti–Yazbaki factionalism dominated Mount Lebanon politics
in the 18th century, Druze, Sunni, and Christian clans joined the two
non-sectarian rival factions.
This coexistence was a feature of what became present-day Lebanon, as well as
Syria and Palestine. The skirmishes and larger clashes the Druze were part of
here and there were primarily examples of clashes between villagers and
Bedouins. In northern Palestine, the Druze were engaged in two local
confrontations, both of which were of a feudal–tribal nature and not really
sectarian at all—the first in the 16th century with Sheikh Ahmad Bin Tarabay Al-Harithi,
the chieftain of the Hawareth tribe, and the second in the 18th century with
Sheikh Dhaher Al-Omar Al-Zaydani of the Zayadena tribe. Such confrontations were
commonplace between the settled villagers and marauding Bedouins, competing
feudal clans, as well as rival sub-clans. (It is worth remembering that the
pre-Islamic Arab Qaysi–Yemeni rivalry continued in Palestine well into the 20th
century, unlike Lebanon, where it ended in 1711 with the Qaysi victory in ‘Ayn
Dara.)
The same situation occurred in Mount Hawran in southern Syria, settled by Druze
immigrants from Aleppo, Mount Lebanon, Wadi Al-Taym (southwest Lebanon), and
northern Palestine. It was obvious that the increasing numbers of new settlers
would lead to clashes with existing local inhabitants, most of whom were also
Bedouins living in the region that divided the desert from farmland. Here, too,
clashes were connected with rights to wells and pastures rather than religion
and sect. During the Great Syrian Revolt of 1925, the Druze of Mount Hawran in
the east and the Sunnis of the Hawran plain in the west fought side-by-side
against the French. Furthermore, when modern secular party politics came onto
the scene, the Ba’ath Party attracted Druze, Sunni, and Christian alike from
both the mountain and the plain.
Another aspect worth analyzing is that the notion of an alliance of minorities
against the vast sea of Sunni Islam was never truly taken seriously by at least
two Levantine religious minorities: the Druze from the Muslim camp, and the
Orthodox Church of Antioch from the Christian camp. It is said that when the
Mutasarrifate (Special District) of Mount Lebanon was created in 1861, the
Orthodox refused to be part of a newly created entity with a Maronite Christian
majority, preferring, rather, to remain part of the Ottoman Province of Syria
(Damascus). One of the Orthodox leaders of the time remarked it was “better [to]
stick with the Turks than join the Maronites.”
Add to the above the fact that the internecine conflicts among the minorities
themselves have always been quite acute and had nothing to do with any
overarching strategic alliance, which runs contrary to what some powers like
Iran are now promoting as a bulwark against takfirist and jihadist groups like
ISIS and its ilk.
Antiochian Orthodox Christians, for example, were allies of the Druze in their
sectarian battles against the Christian Maronites in the mid-19th century, while
the the Alawi–Ismaili animosity in northwest Syria was so severe it resulted in
the uprooting of whole communities; likewise, Shi’ite–Druze relations were far
from cordial under the pro-Ottoman Ma’anids of Mount Lebanon, while the Shi’ites
sided with the Safavids of Iran.
Based on such a history, the call made by wise Druze leaders to their community,
urging them to distance themselves from a bloodthirsty regime that has ruined
Syria and brought suffering to all its communities, is based on several
considerations.
First, a rejection of violence, dictatorship and corruption, and a desire to
preserve the country from fragmentation and bloody intrigues, as well as
exposing those who are willing to base their rule on murder and subjugation.
Second, a patriotic vision of a Syria that is a nation for all its
citizens—instead of pushing its constituent religious, sectarian, racial and
linguistic communities into the abyss of endless civil war. While some may say
it is a struggle against extremists, in truth this would just be an attempt, via
moves to exploit extremism, to incite counter-extremism in order to justify
preserving the status quo.
Finally, considerations of geopolitical interests. The Druze are geographically
scattered in disjointed areas, except in Sweida Province. However, even in this
province they have no interest in being enemies of their kin and neighbors on
the Hawran plain to the west. Their area, bordered on the east and south by
desert, is simply not viable as a separate entity. Thus, neither the Druze, nor
other minorities, have a vested interest in forming an alliance that can only
serve the purpose of extremists among the Sunni Muslim population of Syria.
Instead, it is their duty to reassure the Sunnis, especially during these
dangerous times, that Syria’s minorities stand against any regional or
international conspiracy that targets them; that they have absolutely no
interest in being “human shields,” in protecting a gang hell-bent on implicating
them in its crimes, and hiding behind them rather than protecting and defending
them.
The Roots of the Yemeni Crisis
Ali Ibrahim/Asharq Al Awsat
13/11/14
Ever since the union of North and South Yemen was declared in 1990, political
conflicts and differences in the Arabian Peninsula’s poorest country have never
ceased, reaching their climax in the 1994 bloody civil war between former
president Ali Abdullah Saleh and the Southern secessionist leaders, who
eventually turned their backs on the union and attempted to secede once again.
The union between these two regimes—who differ widely, both politically and
economically—was not carefully worked out. It almost appeared to be an attempt
at ignoring the country’s domestic problems (though, at the time, this escapist
attitude applied more to the South than the North). For the Yemeni Socialist
Party, this union—which came on the back of a bloody power struggle that saw
tanks deployed on the streets of Aden in 1986—came as an insurance policy
guaranteeing its remaining in power, particularly since, at the time, the Soviet
Union was no longer capable of providing it with support and funds. As for the
North, the union was a political opportunity not to be missed.
This whole porcelain enterprise of uniting North and South resembles the futile
act of using beautiful colors to paint a house with cracked walls, an empty
roof, and shaky foundations—to thunderous public applause. In any case, it took
a mere four years for the house to collapse, partly due to the authorities.
Alliances shifted and the friends and partners of yesterday—the Yemeni Socialist
Party and its leadership—became today’s enemies. A new alliance between Saleh
and the Al-Islah Party soon emerged, with radical groups being used to subjugate
Southern leaders who used all kinds of weapons—including Scud missiles—in their
war with the Yemeni government. Eventually, Saleh won and the union continued.
But the whole thing was botched up, and no efforts were made to lay any firm
foundations to secure its continuity or to make all sides feel they had emerged
victorious following the bitter struggle. As such, the sense of injustice and
unfairness, whether justified or not, continued to emerge every now and then,
particularly since the public uprising of the Yemeni people in 2011 and the
subsequent emergence of the Southern Al-Hirak secessionist movement and the
political vacuum that emerged.
Moreover, during the five years in the run-up to the 2011 uprising in Sana’a,
nearly three wars broke out between Saleh’s government and the Shi’ite Houthi
movement, claiming hundreds of lives and inflicting heavy material losses. Now
it seems that the enemies of the past are the allies of today, with the
objective being to gain power in the country. This has led the US and the
international community to impose sanctions, comprising travel bans and asset
freezes, on Saleh and two Houthi leaders.
Everyone had high hopes about the Gulf Initiative, which sought to secure a
peaceful and organized transfer of power and prevent the country from slipping
into chaos and collapse following the public protests calling for Saleh’s
departure. His deputy, Abd Rabbuh Mansur Hadi, eventually emerged to lead the
transition process under regional and international sponsorship. But now it
seems that, just like the case with the union, the colors were beautiful but the
house remained ridden with cracks and fissures—and still without firm
foundations. Consequently, it was natural that Yemen would turn into an arena
open to foreign powers interfering in its destiny and attempting to move the
country in certain directions.
The crisis in Yemen has its roots in a series of accumulated negative political
practices and clashes of interests that have divided more than united Yemen’s
disparate factions. On the other hand, no serious efforts were made to address
the country’s problems, particularly economic development, which remains Yemen’s
biggest problem. No progress will be achieved in Yemen without regional
cooperation and support. Such support needs political stability and politicians
capable of rising above their narrow interests and personal vendettas.
Iran’s conservatives turn up heat on nuclear deal as
deadline approaches
Ali M. Pedram /Asharq Al Awsat
Thursday, 13 Nov, 2014
Sources in Tehran told Asharq Al-Awsat that “Shamkhani’s sharply worded comments
can be viewed as an indirect reaction of the supreme leader to recent
negotiations in Muscat and difficult decisions Iran has to make to finalize the
deal.”
US, EU, and Iranian officials have been meeting this week in the Omani capital
in an attempt to thrash out a deal on Iran’s nuclear program before a November
24 deadline. Although Iran insists that its nuclear activities are peaceful, the
US and its allies are seeking rigorous safeguards to prevent any nuclear
material being diverted to a possible atomic weapons program.
Shamkhani, who served as Iran’s defense minister under reformist President
Mohammad Khatami between 1997 and 2005, is widely-regarded as a moderate and
close to both President Hassan Rouhani and former President Hashemi Rafsanjani.
During a briefing for members of staff at Iran’s Supreme National Security
Council, Shamkhani reiterated the official Islamic Republic’s policy towards the
nuclear issue and regional crises by referring to “disastrous US Middle Eastern
foreign policy” as a root cause.
Shamkhani, who is one of two representatives of the supreme leader on Iran’s
National Security Council, also lambasted “the paradoxical US foreign policy in
the region, and in particular towards Iran, that only serves Israel’s
interests.”
However, Shamkhani also acknowledged that Iran has cooperated with the P5+1 and
the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) by giving inspectors access to
Iran’s nuclear and military facilities, in order to refute any doubts about
Iran’s “peaceful nuclear intentions,” according to the website Iranian
Diplomacy.
Shamkhani’s comments mark the first time an Iranian official has confirmed that
international inspectors have been given access to Iranian military bases.
After three days of intensive negotiations between Iranian Foreign Minister
Mohammad Javad Zarif and the US Secretary of State John Kerry in Muscat this
week, Iran’s top leadership is mulling over details of the American offer to
close the nuclear dossier.
It is understood that the US is ready to accept Iran retaining the capacity to
enrich uranium under stringent monitoring measures. Although the level of
enrichment acceptable to the US is likely to be lower than that desired by Iran,
it nevertheless represents a compromise on the part of the US and Washington’s
eagerness to reach a deal.
On the Iranian side, the issue of Iran’s right to enrich uranium has lost some
of its previous importance, given the US acceptance of a domestic Iranian
enrichment capacity. However, the timing and extent of the removal of economic
sanctions on Iran has now moved center stage, and is seen as the key factor to
be resolved to seal a deal.
Iranian Foreign Minister Mohammad Javad Zarif and his team are mandated to
conduct the negotiations with the P5+1, and in particular with the US
government, for two clear goals: to preserve Iran’s existing nuclear program and
ease the sanctions that have taken a serious toll on the Iranian economy.
The negotiations have now entered a critical stage in which any proposed
agreement must be accepted by domestic hardliners in both Iran and the US.
Ironically, the Iranian government under President Rouhani is now acting as a
broker between Western powers and Iran’s strong conservative faction, closely
associated with Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, with its political
survival at stake.
Prior to arriving in the Azerbaijani capital Baku on Wednesday, Iranian
President Hassan Rouhani told reporters that a “one-sided deal will not last.”
A Tehran based political analyst told Asharq Al-Awsat that Rouhani’s comments
indicate that Rouhani is committed to reaching a deal for both political and
economic reasons.
“However, if the deal is not seen as favorable for Iran in terms of the lifting
of economic sanctions, Rouhani’s conservative and radical opponents within Iran
will again attempt to unseat [him] in the next election, and replace his
government with another version of Ahmadinejad’s government, a similar scenario
that triggered the fall of Khatami and reform movement in Iran in 2005,” he
said.
In a sign of how sensitive the nuclear talks are within the Iranian political
system, Iran’s conservative parliamentary speaker Ali Larijani mocked Obama’s
most recent letter to Ali Khamenei by saying: “when one writes a love letter, he
ought not to be bullying too.”
Larijani added: “On the nuclear issue, Iran has been acting very rationally
throughout the negotiations, but the Western powers are sabotaging [them],”
according to the ISNA news agency.
A deal between Iran and the US and its allies will also leave the issue of
relations with neighboring states to be resolved.
“Now Iran is keen to strike a direct and clear deal with the US over the nuclear
issue in return for the sensible removal of sanctions. However, Iran is keen to
enter sub-regional negotiations with regional states and actors to address
multilateral security concerns after the nuclear deal,” an Iranian official told
Asharq Al-Awsat on condition of anonymity.
Syria: Islamic jihadists blow up church dedicated to victims of Armenian
Genocide
Robert Spencer/Jihadi Watch
Nov 12, 2014
Christian leaders in the West pursue “dialogue” with
Muslim leaders, who smilingly tell them that they condemn the Muslim persecution
of Christians, and that is that. The Muslim leaders don’t actually do anything
to stop their coreligionists from committing acts like these, but everyone has a
nice dinner and some coffee, and goes home feeling great. Not a thing is
accomplished, of course, except the complicity of those Christian leaders, who
happily accept the line that to speak out against this jihadist savagery would
be “Islamophobic” and harm the “dialogue.” And so they stay silent, and forbid
any honest discussion of what leads to incidents like this, and to the Muslim
persecution of Christians in general.
A great many bishops have a great deal to answer for. All too often in the
Church in the West these days, many bishops and priests are coddled, cossetted
boys who have never held a real job, never had any real responsibility, have no
idea of hardship, and are interested above all not in truth or self-sacrifice
but in maintaining their comfort and privileges. They are soft, cowardly, weak,
ignorant, and regally immune from being challenged in any way. They are as far
from the Christian leaders who became saints and martyrs in the times of
persecution as it is humanly possible to be. “Jabhat al-Nusra blows up Armenian
church in Deir el-Zour: A savage blow that echoes through Armenian history,” by
Robert Fisk, the Independent, November 10, 2014 (thanks to Pamela Geller):
In the most savage act of vandalism against Syria’s Christians, Islamists have
blown up the great Armenian church in Deir el-Zour, which is dedicated to the
one and a half million Armenians slaughtered by the Turks during the 1915
genocide. All of the church archives, dating back to 1841 and containing
thousands of documents on the Armenian Holocaust, were burned to ashes, while
the bones of hundreds of genocide victims, packed into the church’s crypt in
memory of the mass killings 99 years ago, were thrown into the street beside the
ruins. This act of sacrilege will cause huge pain among the Armenians scattered
across the world – as well as in the rump state of Armenia which emerged after
the 1914-1918 war, not least because many hundreds of thousands of victims died
in death camps around the very same city of Deir el-Zour. Jabhat al-Nusra rebels
appear to have been the culprits this time, but since many Syrians believe that
the group has received arms from Turkey, the destruction will be regarded by
many Armenians as a further stage in their historical annihilation by the
descendants of those who perpetrated the genocide 99 years ago.
Turkey, of course, miserably claims there was no genocide – the equivalent of
modern day Germany denying the Jewish Holocaust – but hundreds of historians,
including one prominent Turkish academic, have proved beyond any doubt that the
Armenians were deliberately massacred on the orders of the Ottoman Turkish
government across all of modern-day Turkey and inside the desert of what is now
northern Syria – the very region where Isis and its kindred ideological armed
groups now hold. Even Israelis refer to the Armenian genocide with the same
Hebrew word they use for their own destruction by Nazi Germany: “Shoah”, which
means “Holocaust”….
The fighters of Iraq who answer to Iran
Ynetnews /Reuters/Published: 11.13.14/Israel News
Shi'ite militias backed by Iran have become the most powerful military force in
Iraq since the collapse of the national army in June, and have been instrumental
in fighting the Islamic State. They are key to Iran's power and influence inside
neighboring Iraq.
Among the thousands of militia fighters who flocked to northern Iraq to battle
militant group Islamic State over the summer was Qais al-Khazali.
Like the fighters, Khazali wore green camouflage. But he also sported a
shoulder-strapped pistol and sunglasses and was flanked by armed bodyguards.
When he was not on the battlefield, the 40-year-old Iraqi donned the robes and
white turban of a cleric.
Khazali is the head of a militia called Asaib Ahl al-Haq that is backed by Iran.
Thanks to his position he is one of the most feared and respected militia
leaders in Iraq, and one of Iran's most important representatives in the
country.
His militia is one of three small Iraqi Shi'ite armies, all backed by Iran,
which together have become the most powerful military force in Iraq since the
collapse of the national army in June
His militia is one of three small Iraqi Shi'ite armies, all backed by Iran,
which together have become the most powerful military force in Iraq since the
collapse of the national army in June.
Alongside Asaib Ahl al-Haq, there are the Badr Brigades, formed in the 1980s
during the Iran-Iraq War, and the younger and more secretive Kataib Hezbollah.
The three militias have been instrumental in battling Islamic State (IS), the
extremist movement from Islam's rival Sunni sect.
The militias, and the men who run them, are key to Iran's power and influence
inside neighboring Iraq.
That influence is rooted in the two countries' shared religious beliefs. Iran's
population is overwhelmingly Shi'ite, as are the majority of Iraqis. Tehran has
built up its influence in the past decade by giving political backing to the
Iraqi government, and weapons and advisers to the militias and the remnants of
the Iraqi military, say current and former Iraqi officials.
That was clear this summer, when fighters from all three militias took on IS.
During IS's siege of one town, Amerli, Kataib Hezbollah helicopter in 50 of its
best fighters, according to Abu Abdullah, a local Kataib Hezbollah commander.
The fighters set up an operations room to coordinate with the Iraqi army, the
other militia groups, and advisers from the Quds Force, the branch of Iran's
Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps that handles operations outside Iran and
oversees Tehran's Iraqi militias.
Over days of fierce fighting in August, and with the help of U.S. bombing raids
- a rare example of Iran and the United States fighting a common enemy - those
forces successfully expelled IS.
Tehran's high profile contrasts sharply with Washington's. Both Iran and the
United States are preparing for a long battle against IS. But Iraqi officials
say the two take very different views of Iraq.
"The American approach is to leave Iraq to the Iraqis," said Sami al-Askari, a
former member of Iraq's parliament and one-time senior adviser to former prime
minister Nuri al-Maliki. "The Iranians don't say leave Iraq to the Iraqis. They
say leave Iraq to us."
The danger, Iraqi officials say, is that Iran's deep influence will perpetuate
sectarian conflict in Iraq. Many Iraqi Sunnis complain that Maliki, who was
Iraq's leader until he was forced out in August, was beholden to Tehran and
prevented Sunnis from getting greater political power. Maliki has denied
sidelining Sunnis.
Former Prime Minister Ayad Allawi, a secular Shi'ite who left office in 2005,
told Reuters that "Iran is interfering in Iraq. Foreign forces are not welcome
here. And militias controlled by foreign powers are not welcome also."
Iraq's Shi'ite militias have certainly fuelled sectarian violence. In the past
few months they have taken revenge on Sunnis thought to be sympathetic to IS,
burned homes and threatened to stop Sunnis returning to their towns. Shi'ite
fighters have kidnapped or killed civilians, say Sunni family members.
"The militias are a problem," said Askari, the former Maliki adviser. "What do
you say after Islamic State ends? Thank you very much and go home?"
Echoes of Lebanon
The main body funding, arming, and training the Shi'ite militias is Iran's Quds
Force. The model it uses is Hezbollah in Lebanon. Created by Tehran in the early
1980s, and operating as both a military outfit and political party, Hezbollah
has grown to become the most powerful force in Lebanon.
Like Hezbollah, Iran's three big Iraqi militias have political wings and
charismatic leaders.
Coordinating the three is Quds Force commander Qassem Soleimani, who, at least
until the IS victories in Iraq this summer, had gained a reputation as one of
the region's most effective military leaders.
After the collapse of the Iraqi military in June, Soleimani visited Iraq several
times to help organize a counter-offensive. He brought weapons, electronic
interception devices and drones, according to a senior Iraqi politician.
"Soleimani is an operational leader. He's not a man working in an office. He
goes to the front to inspect the troops and see the fighting," said one current
senior Iraqi official. "His chain of command is only the Supreme Leader. He
needs money, gets money. Needs munitions, gets munitions. Needs materiel, gets
materiel."
The Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, is the most senior religious
authority in Iran and wields huge constitutional power.
Soleimani, who Reuters was unable to reach, knows the heads of the three big
Iraqi militias personally, Iraqi officials say. A picture posted on a Facebook
page in August shows him in an olive shirt and khaki pants next to Khazali, who
is in clerical robes. A picture on Facebook and Twitter late last month showed
Soleimani and the leader of the Badr Brigades grinning and wrapped in a tight
hug after what was reportedly a victory against IS.
In an interview with Iranian state television in September, a senior
Revolutionary Guard commander, General Amir Ali Hajizadeh, said that Soleimani,
with a force of only 70 men, had prevented IS from overrunning Arbil. "If Iran
hadn't helped, Daesh would have taken over Kurdistan," he said, using a common
Arabic name for IS.
The way Iran and Soleimani work is "completely the opposite of Saudi
intelligence that just gives money but are not on the ground," said the current
senior Iraqi official. "Soleimani sees a target and he has the powers to go
after it."
The Badr Brigades
Iran's oldest proxy in Iraq is the Badr Brigades, which is headed by Hadi al-Amri,
a veteran of both combat and politics. The group renamed itself the Badr
Organization once it entered politics.
Amri fought alongside Iran's Revolutionary Guard against Saddam's army during
the Iran-Iraq war in the 1980s. After the U.S. invasion of Iraq in 2003, he won
a seat in parliament and served as Minister of Transportation during Maliki's
second term.
Amri, who could not be reached for comment, is feared and loathed by many Sunnis
for his alleged role in running death squads in recent years. In July, Human
Rights Watch accused Badr forces of killing Sunni prisoners.
In recent battles with IS, Amri replaced his suit with a military uniform and
transformed into a battlefield commander overnight, giving television interviews
from the frontlines.
Look at Amri's uniform and then compare it to any Iraqi uniform ... It's
completely different," said a senior former security official. "Look for the
uniform of the IRGC" - Iran's Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps - "it's exactly
one of them."
Kataib Hezbollah
The head of Iran's second proxy, Kataib Hezbollah, goes by the nom de guerre Abu
Mahdi al-Mohandes. Many Iraqi officials simply call him al-Mohandes, or "the
Engineer."
Mohandes, who could not be reached for comment for this story, is Iran's most
powerful military representative in Iraq, according to senior Iraqi officials.
At 60, he has distinctive white hair and a white beard. He studied engineering
in Basra and joined Dawa, a political party banned by Saddam, according to a
Facebook page set up in his name.
He began working with Iran's Revolutionary Guard in Kuwait in 1983, organizing
attacks against embassies of countries that supported Saddam in the war against
Iran. He has repeatedly denied involvement in such attacks.
Following the first Gulf War, Mohandes lived in exile in Iran. After the United
States invaded Iraq, he returned home and was elected to parliament. Even then,
it was clear where his allegiances lay. On a 2006 trip to Tehran, when protocol
dictated that the Iranian and Iraqi delegations sit apart, "he sat with the
Iranians," said Askari, the former Maliki adviser. "This was not normal."
Kataib Hezbollah is the most secretive of Iraq's militias, and the only one the
U.S. Treasury labels a terrorist organization. In 2009 the Treasury sanctioned
Mohandes for his alleged role in committing and facilitating attacks against
U.S. and Iraqi forces. Mohandes has denied those charges, though his group's
website features several video clips showing improvised explosive devices
blowing up American Humvees.
He has a house in Baghdad's Green Zone close to Maliki, Iraqi officials say. In
recent years, he occasionally delivered messages between Maliki and Iranian
officials. He frequently visits Iran, where his family lives, according to a
former senior Iraqi official
When Ayatollah Ali Sistani, Iraq's most powerful cleric, called on Shi'ites to
rise up and fight IS earlier this year, Mohandes took charge of the tens of
thousands of new volunteers. "He's involved in everything: administration,
funding, logistics and planning," said a senior Iraqi security official.
Asaib Ahl al-Haq
The third big Iraqi militia, Asaib Ahl al-Haq, started as a splinter group of
the Mahdi Army, a paramilitary force formed by anti-American Shi'ite leader
Moqtada al-Sadr during the US occupation.
Under leader Khazali, Asaib gained notoriety for kidnapping and killing Sunni
civilians and carrying out attacks against U.S. forces.
In 2007 he was arrested by U.S. military forces for his alleged role in an
attack on an Iraqi government compound in Karbala, which left five American
soldiers dead. Khazali managed to use a kidnapped British consultant as a
bargaining chip to win his own release. (British and U.S. military denied
striking such a deal.)
Askari, the former Maliki adviser, played a key role in negotiations. When a
senior British commander was sceptical that Khazali could wield power from Camp
Cropper, the high security facility where he was imprisoned, Khazali asked for a
phone. "They brought him a phone and he made a call," said Askari. "Within two
weeks the attacks stopped."
Asaib has grown stronger in recent years. Sunnis say Maliki allowed Shi'ite
militias, particularly Asaib, to kidnap and kill ordinary Sunnis to solidify his
grip on power. Some Sunnis began to see Asaib as Maliki's personal militia.
Khazali was not available to be interviewed. At Asaib's offices in an upscale
Baghdad neighborhood, the group's spokesman, Naim al Aboudi, denied that Asaib
is closely linked with Maliki or that the group targeted Sunni civilians. "We
are ... working toward building a more stable country," he said.
The Syrian connection
Fighters from all three militias have sharpened their combat skills in Syria in
recent years. In late 2011, as the Syrian conflict grew, Iran stepped in to
defend Syrian President Bashar al-Assad. Assad is a follower of the Alawite
faith, an offshoot of Shi'ism.
Iraqi Shi'ite fighters also flocked to Syria. Billboards and posters in Baghdad
praise Iraqi "martyrs" in the conflict.
Syria has also helped militia fighters hone their media skills. Internet videos
set to a booming soundtrack of Shi'ite militant religious songs show fighters
shooting rocket-propelled grenades, sniping from rooftops and firing heavy
machine guns from pickup trucks.
Some Iraqi Shi'ite militia commanders concede that defending Assad has been
unsavory. But they argue that fighting in Syria was necessary for broader
regional reasons, namely the struggle that Iran and its allies are waging
against Israel.
"Bashar is a dictator," said Abu Hamza, a burly commander from Kataib Hezbollah
who has fought in Syria. "But his presence there preserves the line of
resistance."
Breaking the siege
One of the biggest rallying points in recent months was Amerli, an Iraqi town of
some 15,000 Shi'ites, which was besieged by IS for two months. Most residents
there are Turkmen, not Arabs, but that did not change the symbolism of the
conflict for Shi'ites. Graffiti sprayed outside the town in August read "Amerli
is the Karbala of the age" - a reference to a seventh century battle that is a
defining moment for Shi'ites.
Iran helped train Kataib fighters in the use of AK-47 assault rifles, heavy
machine guns, mortars, rockets and IEDs, according to Abu Abdullah, the Kataib
commander. Kataib fighters also used a camera-equipped drone to gather
information on IS positions. A Reuters reporter met two men who spoke Farsi, the
language of Iran, accompanying Asaib fighters during the battle. A third man
said he had come from Iran to train police.
When the battle began in late August, Shi'ite militias teamed up with Kurdish
fighters to attack IS positions, as American aircraft bombed around the town.
The importance of the battle for Iran was underscored when photographs and
videos surfaced on the Internet that allegedly showed Revolutionary Guard
commander Soleimani in the town.
In early September, a group of Shi'ite fighters and Kurdish peshmerga fought to
protect a small village near Amerli called Yangije. Some 50 IS fighters had
attacked the village in the early morning. After nearly eight hours of fighting,
the Shi'ites and Kurds pushed the fighters out.
The next morning, Shi'ite and peshmerga fighters went house-to-house to check IS
had cleared out. They came across an IS fighter hiding beneath a blanket. The
man shot and killed one peshmerga and detonated a suicide belt, injuring several
others.
Around midday, the burned and mangled body of the IS fighter was lying in the
sun when a group of Shi'ite fighters approached. A Reuters team saw one Shi'ite
fighter behead the corpse with a large knife while a handful of fighters filmed
with their phones. The dead fighter's head was mounted on a knife, and one
Shi'ite fighter shouted, "This is revenge for our martyrs!"
The Shi'ite fighters put the head in a sack and took it away with them.
A Turkish Quest to "Liberate" Jerusalem
By: Burak Bekdil/The Gatestone Institute
November 13, 2014
http://www.meforum.org/4887/a-turkish-quest-to-liberate-jerusalem
Turkish Prime Minister Ahmet Davutoglu delivered the opening speech of the
"International Meeting on the Question of Jerusalem" held in Ankara in May.
Turks have a different understanding of what constitutes an occupation and a
conquest of a city. The Turkish rule is very simple: The capture of a foreign
city by force is an occupation if that city is Turkish (or Muslim) and the
capture of a city by force is conquest if the city belongs to a foreign nation
(or non-Muslims).
For instance, Turks still think the capture of Istanbul in 1453 was not
occupation; it was conquest.
In a 2012 speech, President Recep Tayyip Erdogan (then Prime Minister) said:
"Just like Mecca, Cairo and Istanbul are cities of the Qur'an." In truth, there
is no mention of any city's name in the Qur'an. Never mind.
"Conquest," Turkey's top Muslim cleric, Professor Mehmet Gormez, declared in
2012, "is not to occupy lands or destroy cities and castles. Conquest is the
conquest of hearts!" That is why, the top Turkish cleric said, "In our history
there has never been occupation." Instead, Professor Gormez said, "in our
history, there has always been conquest." He further explained that one pillar
of conquest is to "open up minds to Islam, and hearts to the Qur'an."
Most Turkish Islamists think they have an Allah-given right to take infidel
lands by the force of sword.
It is in this religious justification that most Turkish Islamists think they
have an Allah-given right to take infidel lands by the force of sword --
ironically, not much different from what the tougher Islamists have been doing
in large parts of Syria and Iraq. Ask any commander in the Islamic State and he
would tell you what the jihadists are doing there is "opening up minds to Islam,
and hearts to the Qur'an."
Both President Erdogan and Prime Minister Ahmet Davutoglu have declared
countless times that Gaza and Jerusalem (in addition to Syria, Iraq, Egypt,
Somalia and the Maghreb) are Turkey's "domestic affairs."
This author wrote in this journal on Oct. 30:
In reality, with or without the normalization of diplomatic relations between
Ankara and Jerusalem, the Turks have never hidden their broader goals in the
Arab-Israeli dispute: that Jerusalem should be the capital of a Palestinian
state; and that Israel should be pushed back to its pre-1967 borders. Until
then, it will be 'halal' [permitted in Islam] for Erdogan to blame Israel for
global warming, the Ebola virus, starvation in Africa and every other misfortune
the world faces.
As if to confirm this whimsical view, Deputy Prime Minister Yalcin Akdogan has
blamed Israel for democratic failings in the Arab world. "Israel works with
[undemocratic] regimes and keeps its ship afloat." So, it is because of Israel
that Arab nations have never established democratic culture -- before or after
1948; or before or after the Arab Spring revolts. But fortunately, Palestinians
have a new "protector."
From Prime Minister Davutoglu's public speech on November 7:
Al-Aqsa [mosque in Jerusalem] will one day be liberated. The Israelis should
know that the oppressed Syrians have a protector. The oppressed Palestinians too
have a protector. That protector is Turkey. Just as Bursa [the Turkish city
where he spoke] ended its occupation, the honorable Palestinians, honorable
Muslims will end the [Israeli] occupation. Just as Osman Gazi [a sepulchre in
Bursa] was liberated, al-Aqsa too will be liberated. Al-Quds [Jerusalem] is both
our first prayer direction and has been entrusted with us by history. It has
been entrusted with us by Hazrat Omar. The last freedom seen in Jerusalem was
under our [Ottoman] rule. Al-Quds is our cause. It is the occupying, oppressive
Israeli government that has turned the Middle East into a quagmire.
Echoing that view, President Erdogan said that protecting Islamic sites in the
Holy Land is a sacred mission (for his government), and bluntly warned that any
attack against the al-Aqsa mosque is no different than an attack on the Kaaba in
the holy city of Mecca.
Spot the difference: In the eyes of Turkey's political and religious leadership,
Istanbul and its Hagia Sophia (once a Greek Orthodox Basilica) were legitimately
"conquered" by the Muslim Ottomans, while Jerusalem and its al-Aqsa mosque
(built atop the ruins of the Jewish Temples) are illegally "occupied" by Israel.
No doubt, after Gaza, al-Aqsa (and Jerusalem) has become a powerful Turkish
obsession, and a treasure-trove of votes, especially in view of Turkey's
parliamentary elections next June. And do not expect the Turkish leadership only
to corrupt facts. Plain fabrication is a more favored method. All the same,
someone, sometimes, would unwillingly reveal the truth often when trying to
corrupt other facts.
Since Davutoglu claimed that "Jerusalem has been entrusted with the Turks by
Hazrat Omar," it may be useful to refresh memories. Hazrat Omar is Omar bin Al-Khattab
(579-644), one of the most powerful and influential Muslim caliphs in history.
Within the context of "conquest vs. occupation," he was referenced by the top
cleric, Professor Gormez in a 2012 speech:
After Hazrat Omar conquered al-Quds [Jerusalem], he was invited to pray at a
church [as there were no mosques yet in Jerusalem]. But he politely refused
because he was worried that the [conquering] Muslims could turn the church into
a mosque after he prayed there.
Since medieval historical facts cannot have changed over the past two years, the
top Turkish ulama [religious scholar], referencing a most powerful Muslim
caliph, is best witness that when the Muslims had first arrived in Jerusalem
there was not a single mosque in the city. Why? Because Jerusalem was not a
Muslim city. Why, then, do Turkish Islamists claim that it is Muslim? Because it
once had been "conquered." Would the same Turks surrender Istanbul to the
occupying forces that took the city after World War I because its capture in
1920 made it a non-Turkish city? No, that was not conquest, that was occupation!
Had Messrs Erdogan and Davutoglu been schoolchildren, such reasoning might have
been called bullying and cheating.
**Burak Bekdil, based in Ankara, is a columnist for the Turkish daily Hürriyet
and a fellow at the Middle East Forum.
Canada Denounces Attacks on Mosque and
Synagogue
November 13, 2014 - Foreign Affairs Minister John Baird today released the
following statement:
“Canada condemns the arson on a mosque in the village of Mughayar, near Ramallah
in the West Bank, and the firebombing of a synagogue in the village of Shfaram,
in Northern Israel, earlier this week.
“Such actions perpetrated against any faith community must not be tolerated.
Attacks on places of worship are completely unacceptable and violate the right
to religious freedom.
“Perpetrators of these hate-filled acts are responsible for further aggravating
an already volatile situation and should be held accountable.”
U.S. Senators: Iran Deal must
Dismantle Nuclear Program
Naharnet/Two U.S. senators responsible for introducing strict sanctions on Iran
renewed their warning Wednesday over nuclear negotiations with the country,
saying any final pact must "dismantle" the Islamic republic's nuclear program.
Their remarks follow three days of nuclear talks in Oman between Iran and the
P5+1 – U.N. Security Council permanent members Britain, China, France, Russia
and the United States, plus Germany -- with a November 24 deadline looming to
strike a comprehensive agreement.
"We believe that a good deal will dismantle, not just stall, Iran's illicit
nuclear program and prevent Iran from ever becoming a threshold nuclear weapons
state," Senate Foreign Relations Committee chairman Robert Menendez and
Republican Senator Mark Kirk said in a statement. Should a potential deal fail
to achieve such goals, including a robust inspection and verification regime and
strict limits on nuclear-related research, "we will work with our colleagues in
Congress to act decisively, as we have in the past." Menendez and Kirk have
worked since 2011 to draft and pass multifaceted economic sanctions against
Tehran, and their statement was aimed at pressing international negotiators for
a strong deal that would keep Iran's feet to the fire on its nuclear program.
"Gradual sanctions relaxation would only occur if Iran strictly complied with
all parts of the agreement," the lawmakers said.
Their most recent bill, which would impose new measures should the negotiations
fail, has been blocked since the end of 2013 by President Barack Obama's
Democratic allies in the Senate.
His administration had wanted the negotiations to proceed without interference
from Congress.
But Republicans, who snatched the Senate majority from Democrats in last week's
midterm elections and take control when the next congressional session convenes
on January 3, may not show the same deference.
"I want a vote on sanctions in case the deal falls apart," Senate Republican
Lindsey Graham told reporters on the first day back after a seven-week recess.
"This is the most important foreign policy issue that any president will decide
in generations."
Faced with the prospect of unilateral action by the U.S. Congress, Iranian
President Hassan Rouhani said that "each country must resolve its own problems,"
although he did not name the United States.
Final nuclear talks between the P5+1 and Iran are set for November 18 in Vienna.
Agence France Presse
.