0LCCC ENGLISH DAILY
NEWS BULLETIN
December 16/14
Bible Quotation for today/if
they keep quiet, the stones themselves will start shouting"
Luke 19/28-40/:
"After Jesus said this, he went on in front of them toward Jerusalem. As he
came near Bethphage and Bethany at the Mount of Olives, he sent two
disciples ahead with these instructions: “Go to the village there ahead of
you; as you go in, you will find a colt tied up that has never been ridden.
Untie it and bring it here. If someone asks you why you are untying it,
tell him that the Master needs it.” They went on their way and found
everything just as Jesus had told them. As they were untying the colt, its
owners said to them, “Why are you untying it?” “The Master needs it,” they
answered, and they took the colt to Jesus. Then they threw their cloaks
over the animal and helped Jesus get on. As he rode on, people spread their
cloaks on the road. When he came near Jerusalem, at the place where the road
went down the Mount of Olives, the large crowd of his disciples began to
thank God and praise him in loud voices for all the great things that they
had seen: “God bless the king who comes in the name of the Lord! Peace in
heaven and glory to God!” Then some of the Pharisees in the crowd spoke to
Jesus. “Teacher,” they said, “command your disciples to be quiet!” Jesus
answered, “I tell you that if they keep quiet, the stones themselves will
start shouting"
Latest analysis, editorials from miscellaneous sources published on December
15-16/14
A fight too far? U.S. prepares Syrian opposition for battle/Abdulrahman
al-Rashed /Al Arabiya/December 15/14
Terror in Australia: the Question No One Wants to Ask/By
Peter Ahern/AINA/December 15/14
How Iraq Became a Proxy of the Islamic Republic of Iran/Jonathan Spyer and
Aymenn Jawad Al-Tamimi/The Tower/December 15/14
An Empty, Token Gesture/Abdulrahman
Al-Rashed/Alsharq Al Awsat/December 15/14
A Matter of Conscience/Hussein
Shobokshi/Asharq Al Awsat/December 15/14
Syria’s Crisis and the Absence of Leadership/Tariq
Alhomayed/Asharq Al Awsat/December 15/14
Lebanese Related News published on December 15-16/14
Papal Ambassador Says New President May be Elected 'Soon'
Saudi official calls for presidential solution
Geagea Kicks Off Saudi Visit with Talks with Deputy Crown Prince
Geagea Expresses Pessimism over Presidential Crisis, Holds Onto Candidacy
Lebanon Launches 'Crisis Response Plan' as Salam Slams Poor Int'l Support for
Refugees
Doubts cast over hostage mediator appointment
Aussie bishops visit Lebanon on Mideast tour
Lebanese ISF Sergeant Arrested for 'Smuggling' Sister of al-Nusra Jihadist
Army Foils Infiltration Attempt in Outskirts of Ras Baalbek
Families of Hostages Burn Tires as IS Threatens to Execute Another Captive
Salam walks fine line to preserve Cabinet unity
Jamil al-Sayyed Says Syria Offered 'Safe Corridor' for Qalamun Militants but
Lebanon Refused
Muslim Clerics Slam Interpol Bid on Egypt-Born Preacher
Army Arrests Suspects Linked to Bhannine, Tripoli Unrest
Two Syrian Infiltrators Arrested Near Shabaa
Muslim Scholars Say Ghali had Green Light to Head to Arsal, Engage in Direct
Negotiations
State Fixes Milk Prices at LL1,100 after Sharp Drop Linked to Food Safety
Campaign
Miscellaneous Reports And News published on
December 15-16/14
Gunman, 2 Hostages Killed as Police End Sydney Cafe Siege
Thousands join anti-Islam protest in eastern German city
ISIS fortifying positions around Mosul: Kurdish official
Iran’s Rouhani says will try to clinch nuclear deal as talks with US resume
Jihadists capture army base in northwestern Syria
Qaida Takes Two Syrian Bases in Major Blow to Regime
Jordan Says No Plan to Push for Quick U.N. Vote on Palestine
Police Storm Cafe to End Sydney Hostage Siege, two people were dead, including
the hostage-taker,
Al Azhar refuses to denounce the Islamic State as “un-Islamic”
Netanyahu Applauds Christian IDF Soldiers; 'We Are Brothers!'
The Perennial Story of Gulf Oil
New Saudi ministers take oath of office
Iraqi prime minister makes first visit to UAE
Erekat: Palestinian Authority will pursue UN statehood bid alone if necessary
Canada Concerned by Raids on Turkish Journalists and Media Outlets
Foreign Affairs, Trade and Development Canada/Ensure Your Holiday Travel Goes
Off Without a Hitch
Tens of thousands dead in South Sudan conflict: UN
U.S. asks Vatican for help with Guantanamo inmates
Top separatist shot dead in South Yemen
Jihad Watch Site Posts For Sunday
Sydney police commissioner on jihad flag: “We’re still trying to work out what
exactly it stands for”
Australian PM Abbott: “We don’t know the motivation” for cafe siege
As jihadis took hostages in Sydney cafe, police were doing outreach at mosque
Australia: Hostages taken in Sydney chocolate shop, Islamic jihad flag seen
Islamic State tortures Christians in their own churches
Qatar broke promise with US, allowed Gitmo detainee to leave the country
Islamic State stones couple for adultery, beheads four for blasphemy
UK: New “Islamic doll” has no facial features
Mali released four Islamic jihadists in exchange for French hostage
UK: Army cadets told not to wear uniform in public amid fears of jihad attacks
Malaysia: 18 Buddhists killed in series of “mysterious and unexplained murders”
The Perpetuity of Jihad
Papal Ambassador Says New President
May be Elected 'Soon'
Naharnet /Gabriele Caccia, the papal ambassador to Lebanon,
announced Monday that the election of a new Lebanese president might be
imminent, noting that the circumstances are ripe for ending the protracted
presidential void. “The local, regional and international circumstances are ripe
for the election of a new president soon,” Caccia said during a meeting with
Maronite League chief Samir Abi al-Lamaa at the embassy's headquarters in
Harissa. The presidential seat -- the country's top Christian post -- has been
vacant since May 25 when the term of president Michel Suleiman ended. Political
differences and electoral wrangling led to a lack of quorum during 16 electoral
sessions in parliament. Several media outlets have recently reported that the
Vatican might be playing a role to facilitate the election of a new president in
Lebanon, with some reports saying Lebanese Ambassador to the Vatican George
Khoury could be the Holy See's favorite candidate. “The Vatican is exerting
efforts with Lebanese politicians in order to carry out the presidential vote as
soon as possible,” Caccia said. He also noted that the Holy See's top priority
is “the stabilization of the security and economic situations in Lebanon.”
Geagea Kicks Off Saudi Visit with Talks with Deputy Crown
Prince
Naharnet/Lebanese Forces leader Samir Geagea kicked off on Monday
a visit to Saudi Arabia by meeting with deputy Crown Prince Muqrin bin Abdul
Aziz. The two officials discussed in Riyadh the political developments in the
region, including the need for the election of a new president in Lebanon. The
Saudi Prince stressed that the kingdom “always stand by Lebanon.” “It will
continue to back it in all steps that seek to bolster the stability,
sovereignty, and security of its people,” said a statement issued by the LF. For
his part, Geagea thanked the deputy crown prince and Saudi Arabia for the grants
to the Lebanese army, which will help enable it confront the threat of terrorism
and all other dangers facing the country. Geagea and Prince Muqrin also
addressed regional developments in Iraq, Syria, and Palestine. The LF chief
traveled to Saudi Arabia on Sunday. Geagea had made a similar visit to the Gulf
kingdom on November 20. He met with al-Mustaqbal Movement leader MP Saad Hariri
and Saudi officials during that trip.
Geagea Expresses Pessimism over Presidential Crisis, Holds
Onto Candidacy
Naharnet/Lebanese Forces leader Samir Geagea held onto his
candidacy for the presidential run, considering that the Baabda Palace post is
“decaying” due to the ongoing vacuum. “I will not withdraw my candidacy until we
are offered an alternative to end the presidential deadlock,” Geagea said in an
interview published in the Jordanian newspaper Ad Dustour on Monday. The
Christian leader expressed pessimism over the presidency crisis as Free
Patriotic Movement chief MP Michel Aoun “is insisting on reaching the Baabda
Palace.”
The LF chief has recently called on Aoun to engage in talks with him over a
possible compromise candidate. Geagea warned that the presidential vacuum
compromises Lebanon's future, reiterating calls on Aoun to reach a breakthrough
on the political standstill. “We have two options only, we either attend the
upcoming parliamentary session to elect a new head of state or we launch
dialogue with the FPM to bridge the gap, without putting any preconditions,” he
told his interviewer. He revealed the communication channels are open with the
FPM, saying that the rival parties “should agree on a compromise candidate, who
is acceptable by all parties.”“The presidential post is slowly decaying and no
matter what the circumstances and backgrounds are we can not go on like that,”
Geagea added. He strongly criticized the parties responsible for impeding the
presidential elections, saying: “Their endeavors are dragging the country to the
bottom.”Aoun is still the candidate of the March 8 camp in the face of Geagea,
the nominee of the March 14 forces. The rivalry between the two men has led to a
lack of quorum in 16 electoral sessions in parliament, amid a boycott by the MPs
of Aoun and Hizbullah. The presidential seat has been vacant since President
Michel Suleiman's term ended on May 25.
Lebanon Launches 'Crisis Response Plan' as Salam Slams Poor
Int'l Support for Refugees
Naharnet/Lebanon and the U.N. have launched a plan that calls for
an estimated $2.1 billion to help the country cope with the fallout from the
conflict in neighboring Syria. The Crisis Response Plan for Lebanon announced
Monday outlines the priorities of the government and international community
over the next two years. It aims to deliver humanitarian assistance to Syrian
refugees while also expanding plans to invest in services and institutions in
the most affected areas. It hopes to reach some 2.9 million people, half of them
Lebanese. The plan was launched at the Grand Serail in a ceremony attended by
Prime Minister Tammam Salam, U.N. Deputy Secretary-General Jan Eliasson,
Lebanese and international officials and a number of foreign ambassadors. The
plan aims to “consolidate stability in the country during this critical
phase.”Hailing the Lebanese people's hospitality, Eliasson noted that Lebanon is
facing a burden that no single country in the world can cope with. He urged the
member states of the U.N. to show solidarity by boosting their aid to Lebanon
and its people.
Salam meanwhile lamented “the insufficient financial support” that has been
offered to Lebanon, while noting that the international community has also
failed to take “practical measures” to assist Lebanon in the face of the growing
security threats. “We hope the Crisis Response Plan for Lebanon will be more
than just an alarm, but rather a roadmap that allow donors to focus on certain
sectors in order to make the needed difference,” the prime minister added.
Social Affairs Minister Rashid Derbas had said in comments published Monday in
al-Liwaa newspaper that “37% of the donations will be spent on the structural
and financial support of the country, while the remaining 63 percent will be
used to aid around one million poor families on Lebanese soil -- both Syrian and
Lebanese.”
The minister pointed out that several ministries are participating in the plan
in cooperation with the United Nations Development Program (UNDP) and the U.N.
refugee agency UNHCR. According to Central Bank of Lebanon statistics, the
country faces a financial burden of $4.5 billion because of the refugee crisis.
Derbas told the daily that the government is seeking to avert the repercussions
of a decision by the United Nations to suspend food aid to 1.7 million refugees
due to lack of funds, revealing that Saudi Arabia pledged to aid Lebanon in this
regard. Around 700,000 Syrian refugees in Lebanon rely on the U.N. aid. The
suspension is particularly troublesome for Lebanon, which hosts more than 1.5
million Syrian refugees.There are no formal camps. Many of the refugees live in
encampments, collective shelters and abandoned construction sites. Many make out
a living hand-to-mouth on U.N. cash aid and food vouchers. In December, the U.N.
World Food Program suspended an electronic food voucher program serving
refugees, saying donors failed to meet their commitments. The end of the
program, which allows refugees in Jordan, Lebanon, Turkey, Iraq and Egypt to buy
food in local shops, means that "many families will go hungry," the U.N. agency
said in a statement. The WFP said it needed $64 million (51 million euros) to
fund its food voucher program for December alone and that "many donor
commitments remain unfulfilled." The move is a devastating blow to the
conflict's most vulnerable refugees, particularly ahead of what promises to be a
harsh winter. It also represents another manifestation of the world's failure to
deal with the massive human catastrophe begun by Syria's civil war. Lebanon has
all but shut its frontiers to new refugees, allowing only humanitarian
exceptions across, and the state is beyond its absorption capacities and
urgently needs other countries to share its burden.
Lebanese ISF Sergeant Arrested for 'Smuggling' Sister of
al-Nusra Jihadist
Naharnet /The army arrested Monday an Internal Security Forces
sergeant as he was smuggling the sister of a member of al-Nusra Front from a
Lebanese region to another. “A patrol from the Lebanese army's Intelligence
Directorate has arrested ISF Sergeant H. al-Fleiti along with Fatima al-Ahmed, a
sister of Hmoud al-Ahmed – one of the members of al-Nusra Front who abducted
several ISF members from the Arsal police station” in early August, state-run
National News Agency reported. LBCI television said Fleiti was apprehended in
the Bekaa border town of al-Qaa on charges of “smuggling Syrian suspects from
Beirut to Arsal in return for money.” “He was trying to smuggle Fatima to
Masharii al-Qaa in a Chevrolet Tahoe SUV,” NNA said. Several ISF members and
army troops were taken hostage when jihadists from al-Nusra and the Islamic
State briefly overran Arsal in August and engaged in fierce battles with the
Lebanese army.Four captives have been executed so far, and the jihadists have
threatened to kill the remaining hostages unless there is a deal to free
Islamist prisoners in Lebanon.
Families of Hostages Burn Tires as IS Threatens to Execute Another Captive
Naharnet/The families of captive servicemen burned tires on Monday near the
Grand Serail in Beirut's Riad Solh Square after receiving threats from Islamist
gunmen. The relatives of the soldiers and policemen, who were taken hostage by
al-Qaida-affiliate al-Nusra Front and the Islamic State group, said that they
received a phone call from the abductors threatening to execute one of the
soldiers. They said that the execution threat will be implemented in the
upcoming two days due to the government procrastination regarding a prisoners
swap deal. The state-run National News Agency reported that the wife of IS
hostage Khaled Moqbel received a phone call from her husband informing her of
the group's threats. One of the relatives said in comments to Voice of Lebanon
radio (93.3) that the call was made by one of the hostages, who is held captive
by the IS. The security force members were captured when the jihadists briefly
overran the northeastern border town of Arsal in August, sparking fierce battles
with Lebanese troops. Four have been executed so far, and the jihadists have
threatened to kill the remaining hostages unless there is a deal to free
Islamist prisoners in Lebanon. The IS reportedly expressed readiness to release
the Lebanese soldiers and policemen in its captivity if the Lebanese state sets
free five Islamist inmates in return for each captive. The cabinet had
previously totally rejected any swap deal with the jihadists. The Nusra said
that the four-month hostage crisis would end if 10 inmates held at Lebanese
prisons would be freed for each hostage or seven Lebanese inmates and 30 female
prisoners held in Syria would be released for each abducted soldier and
policeman or if five Lebanese and 50 women inmates would be freed. Later, Health
Minister Abou Faour and Agriculture Minister Akram Shehayeb met with a
delegation from the families of captive servicemen. “The crisis cell has not yet
decided to halt negotiations to release the Arsal captives and it is unfortunate
that the talks have returned to square one,” Abou Faour said. Another meeting
was held between the delegation and Kataeb party chief Amin Gemayel at the Saifi
headquarters.
Former General Security chief Maj. Gen. Jamil al-Sayyed
Says Syria Offered 'Safe Corridor' for Qalamun Militants but Lebanon Refused
Naharnet /Former General Security chief Maj. Gen. Jamil al-Sayyed
claimed Monday that the Lebanese government had recently rejected an offer from
Damascus on granting jihadists based in Arsal's outskirts a "safe corridor" to
leave for areas inside Syria in return for freeing the Lebanese servicemen who
are in their custody. Syrian President Bashar Assad "was willing to give the
militants a safe corridor to areas inside Syria,” Sayyed said in an interview on
al-Jadeed TV. Such a step would have represented “a major sacrifice by Syria
towards its stance on the Syrian and Lebanese security in this region,” Sayyed
noted. He pointed out that the corridors were supposed to be established “under
the supervision of the United Nations.” “The Lebanese army would have been
granted an international cover from Saudi Arabia and the United States in order
to stitch the open wound between Lebanon and Syria,” the former security chief
added. U.N. Special Coordinator for Lebanon Derek Plumbly “contacted a
government official” and he was told that the Lebanese government had “major
reservations that prevent it from giving the army a cover to turn the page on
the Arsal file,” Sayyed alleged. The Qaida-linked al-Nusra Front and the Islamic
State have more than 25 Lebanese troops and policemen in their custody. The
servicemen were taken hostage in August during deadly clashes with the Lebanese
army in and around the town of Arsal. Al-Nusra had proposed swapping the
captives for Islamist detainees held in Syrian and Lebanese prisons but the
negotiations ground to a halt after Qatar announced that it was ending its
mediation in the case. In his interview, Sayyed hinted that Damascus would
reject any deal involving the release of inmates from its prisons. “If Syria
agrees to hand over prisoners and Lebanon agrees and the detainees become in our
custody, what guarantees that these groups will not go to Arsal and kidnap more
soldiers?” Sayyed added. He also attributed the alleged Lebanese refusal to
“foreign” influence. Foreign forces “still consider Arsal to be a window for
annoying Hizbullah and the Syrian regime,” Sayyed said.
Police Storm Cafe to End Sydney Hostage Siege, two people were dead, including
the hostage-taker,
By MICHELLE INNISDEC. 15, 2014
The New York Times
http://www.nytimes.com/2014/12/16/world/asia/sydney-australia-hostages.html?_r=0
Netanyahu Applauds Christian IDF
Soldiers; 'We Are Brothers!'
Monday, December 15, 2014/Israel Today/ Ryan Jones
http://www.israeltoday.co.il/NewsItem/tabid/178/nid/25649/Default.aspx?utm_source=news&utm_medium=email&utm_campaign=No-sidebar-news-1&utm_content=1503
Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu on Sunday told a pre-Christmas gathering of
Christians in Nazareth that they and the Jews are brothers, and that Israel will
never cease to defend Christians against the forces that seek to harm and
destroy them.
The gathering was organized by the Israeli Christian Recruitment Forum, whose
spiritual leader, Father Gabriel Naddaf, was singled out repeatedly by Netanyahu
for his untiring efforts to encourage young Christians to join the Israeli army
and fully integrate with Israeli society.“On the first of December, I took my own son, Avner, to the recruitment center
in Jerusalem. He volunteered to become a combat soldier in the Israel Defense
Forces. The next day…Father Naddaf took his son, Jubran, to the recruitment
enter in Tiberias. He volunteered to become a combat soldier in the Israel
Defense Forces,” Netanyahu recounted to strong applause.
“We are brothers!” the prime minister exclaimed. “We are partners! Christians
and Jews and Druze and Muslims who together defend the State of Israel.”
Turning to a group of Christian soldiers attending the event, Netanyahu stated,
“We are brothers in arms. I commend you on the will to be full partners in
contributing to and defending this nation.”
Netanyahu noted that it was not always easy for Arabic-speaking Christians to so
fully join themselves to Israel, but vowed that “we will firmly support you
against all that would harass you.”Echoing what Father Naddaf has been busy instilling both in local Christians and
Western leaders, Netanyahu pointed out that Israel is the only place in the
region where Christians find safe haven.
“Christians are suffering in the Middle East,” said the Israeli leader,
recalling the recent “shrinkage and disappearance of entire Christian
communities, communities that were there thousands of years, since the birth of
Christianity, entire communities that are erased in one fell swoop, brutally,
savagely.”Netanyahu insisted that all who would criticize Israel and work toward the birth
of a Palestinian state that would most likely fall to Hamas must “compare this
[regional situation] to Israel, the only nation in the region where the
Christian population is growing.”
Al Azhar refuses to denounce the Islamic State as
“un-Islamic”
DECEMBER 15, 2014/BY RAYMOND IBRAHIM
For all its talk about “combatting radicalism,” Al Azhar University—perhaps
Sunni Islam’s most authoritative voice—will not even denounce the Islamic State
as “un-Islamic.”When pressed on it, an Al Azhar spokesman, Abbas Showman,
recently said: “As an official entity, Al Azhar has never in all its history
proclaimed anyone or any organization as un-Islamic …. being occupied by this
question will not lead to anything,” because “Al Azhar will not judge ISIS or
its Islam as un-Islamic, for it is not its right, neither concerning ISIS or
anyone else.”But, as one human rights advocate in Egypt was quick to quip:
“What, didn’t the ulema and sheikhs of Al Azhar denounce as un-Islamic Naguib
Mahfouz and Farag Foda and others from among the intellectuals and writers whose
activities were stopped and some of whom were assassinated due to Al Azhar’s
position?”
Canada Concerned by Raids on Turkish
Journalists and Media Outlets
December 15, 2014 - Canadian Foreign Affairs Minister John Baird today issued
the following statement:
“Canada is concerned by reports of recent government-ordered raids against media
organizations in which journalists and other media representatives have been
arrested in Turkey.
“Such actions are contrary to Turkey’s stated commitment to democratic values
and respect for human rights and freedoms.
“Canada strongly believes that freedom of expression and a free and independent
media are fundamental to any democracy.
“We call on the Turkish Government and President Erdogan to ensure that the
Turkish people can exercise their democratic rights without fear of unfounded
prosecution.”
Hostage-taker named as radical Muslim cleric Man Haron
Monis
Sheik Man Haron Monis. (AAP)
http://www.9news.com.au/national/2014/12/16/00/48/sydney-hostage-taker-named-as-man-monis#eSupFLGBsa9ms1RU.99
December 16.12.14
Radical Muslim cleric Sheik Man Haron Monis has been revealed to be the
ringleader in the Sydney cafe siege that has seen up to 15 people held hostage
since yesterday morning.
Monis was born Manteghi Bourjerdi and fled from Iran to Australia in 1996 where
he changed his name to Man Haron Monis and assuming the title of Sheik Haron.
The self-styled sheik did not enjoy the support of mainstream Muslims, according
to community leader Dr Jamal Rifi
He has gained media attention in the past for a "hate mail" campaign, protesting
the presence of Australian troops in Afghanistan.
The campaign saw him and his partner Amirah Droudis post hate-filled letters to
the families of dead Australian soldiers.
The family of Brett Till, an Australian solder killed by a roadside bomb in
2009, was just one of the families who received a letter.
"We sat in our homes, reading these letters ... This man accusing my husband of
being a child killer," widow Bree Till said at the time.
9NEWS was given police clearance to release Monis' name.
In November 2009 Monis appeared in court claiming to be a peace activist but
later chained himself to the courthouse in protest of charges laid against him.Monis escaped jail time but was sentenced to 300 hours of community service and
placed on a two-year good behaviour bond in September 2013.
He again received attention from police in November last year when he allegedly
organised the murder of ex-wife Noleen Pal.
Ms Pal had been stabbed and her body set alight in a Werrington apartment block,
allegedly by Ms Droudis.
In April this year he was charged with sexually assaulting seven women while
working as a spiritual healer in Wentworthville, where he claimed to be an
expert in astrology, numerology, meditation and black magic.
In October Monis was charged with an extra 40 sexual offences relating to his
work as a spiritual healer.
He is currently on bail and due to appear in court over indecent and sexual
assault charges in February 2015.
Earlier this month Monis announced via his website he used to be a Rafidi, one
who rejects legitimate Islamic authority and leadership, but “now I am a
Muslim”.© ninemsn 2014
Australian hostage taker named Man Haron Monis, Iranian
refugee with criminal Past
SYDNEY (Reuters) - An Iranian refugee convicted of sexual assault and known for
sending hate letters to the families of Australian soldiers killed overseas is
the armed man holding an unknown number of hostages in a Sydney cafe, a police
source said on Tuesday.
Man Haron Monis, an Iranian refugee and self-styled sheikh, remained holed up in
the cafe some 15 hours after the siege began.
"There's no operational reason for that name to be held back by us now," said
the police source, who declined to be identified.
(Reporting by Lincoln Feast; Editing by Mike Collett-White)
Sydney siege: The new security threat:
one man, a gun and a flag
THE AUSTRALIAN /Greg Bearup
DECEMBER 16, 2014
IT wasn’t particularly complicated, but it was immensely effective. Australia
has been terrified. They say a horse race stops this nation, but yesterday it
ground to a halt for one man with a gun and an Arabic flag.
For months police had been howling about the danger of a lone wolf. This may all
turn out to be more lone nut case, than lone wolf, but this man provided a
template for others more radical, and more able, to follow. The days of
elaborate plots to blow up Lucas Heights or the Harbour Bridge appear over. We
may have entered the era of one evil man with one simple plan.
Yesterday, the Prime Minister and his key ministers effectively convened a war
cabinet, hundreds and hundreds of armed police flooded the streets of Sydney,
trains were stopped, the city took on an eerie feel as it was cleared of cars,
thousands of workers were evacuated from the CBD — the economic impact was
immense — while the rest of the nation stood glued to their TVs, in shock,
hoping and praying that those on the inside of the Lindt cafe would make it out
alive.
The taxi driver who picked me up was unwilling to take me where I wanted to go —
he feared bombs had been secretly planted throughout the city and that, after
this job, he was heading out to work the suburbs. He dropped me off blocks away,
at Hyde Park.
IN DEPTH: Sydney siege
Michael Giannikouris, a demolition worker who had downed tools to go to the
scene of the siege, said he was frightened. “I just can’t really comprehend what
has happened,” he told me. “This all just seems to be escalating and I don’t
know where it will end.”
It began shortly before 9.45am. Three motorcycle policemen arrived at the
scene, others were charging around the corner on foot. They talked to a woman
who had been trying to get into the cafe, but found the automatic doors were
locked shut. She looked inside to see a man with a gun — she was frightened but
very clear in her descriptions. She was adamant it was a shotgun rather than a
rifle.
Across the mall, witnesses saw a man in a white shirt with his arms up at the
window — they thought the gunman may have given himself up, only to realise it
was the grim face of a hostage.
It was a siege. The cafe is just across the road from the Seven Network’s studio
and so it wasn’t just those in the mall who witnessed this terror. When the TV
network beamed live shots of two people being forced to hold up a black flag
with Arabic script, it became something else entirely.
Shortly after midday the switch operators at 2GB took a call from a man who
claimed to be a hostage. Ray Hadley, who was on air, came in to speak to the
bloke; he thought it could be a hoax.
“I said, ‘Give me your number and I’ll call you back,” Hadley says. “So I did. I
could hear the hostage taker in the background giving instructions — he had an
Australianised Middle-Eastern accent. He wanted to talk to the PM. He wanted an
ISIS (Islamic State) flag and he wanted the government to admit that it was a
terrorist attack. He said he would release people if those demands were met. I
could hear him barking those instructions and those instructions were relayed by
the young bloke to me.”
Hadley called Police Commissioner Andrew Scipione and Premier Mike Baird, who
were on their way to a news conference. They sent over a police negotiator to
handle further calls.
If it was the gunman’s intention to make people frightened, it worked.
If it was his intention to create chaos, it worked.
If it was his intention to grab the attention of the Prime Minister, it worked.
If it was his intention to show just how easily a simple act of violence can
disrupt so much, he succeeded in that, too.
In September, my colleague Paul Maley and I began researching a long article on
two Australian-born terrorists, Mohammed Elomar and Khaled Sharrouf, who are now
fighting for Islamic State in Syria and Iraq. We talked to a number of young
radical Muslims in Sydney’s west and at that point their anger was being
directed towards the Syrian dictator, Bashar al-Assad. We have no real beef
with Australia, they told us.
Since then, that’s all changed. Many of these young Muslim radicals, who wanted
to go off and fight Assad, have had their passports cancelled and Australia has
joined the bombing of the Islamist fighters they were hoping to join.
That pent-up frustration, that angry fervour, has now been turned towards the
country that offered refuge to their parents fleeing war a generation ago. What
will those angry young men be thinking now?
Australians will wake this morning more fearful than they were yesterday, and
that goes for Muslim Australians as well. I spoke yesterday with a moderate
Muslim friend who fears a backlash against his children and his relatives. “I
was at the airport the other day, chatting with some friends, and within 20
minutes the feds were questioning us. How do you think that makes us feel? This
is a step back for everyone, but especially the Muslim community. If someone
else commits a criminal act, it is a criminal act. If someone, who happens to be
Muslim, commits a criminal act the whole of the Muslim community is tarred with
that brush.”
This man, in his 40s and born in Australia, says there was no Shia/Sunni divide
when he was growing up; they were all just Muslims. That is changing. He didn’t
have to make a choice between moderate Islam and radical, because there was only
moderate Islam.
Yesterday’s act of violence disgusted him and made him fearful, just as it did
the great majority of Muslims in this country. The thing about terrorism is that
you only need to attract one nutter with a gun and flag.
How Iraq Became a Proxy of the Islamic Republic of Iran
Jonathan Spyer and Aymenn Jawad Al-Tamimi
The Tower/December 2014
The United States and its Western allies have recently undertaken airstrikes and
other military measures against the Islamic State (I.S., also known as ISIS or
ISIL) in Iraq. Contrary to the spirit of most statements coming out of
Washington, however, this military action cannot be properly viewed as simply an
effort to "degrade and ultimately destroy" the Islamic State—mainly because the
Western actions are limited only to air strikes, which would be ineffective on
their own in achieving that end. Rather, this campaign is quite obviously meant
to help the main ground forces currently fighting the I.S.—namely, the Iraqi
government and Shia militias in Iraq—in the hopes that the Islamic State may be
defeated through their combined efforts.
What has been very little discussed in the West, however, is that it is the Shia
militias who are quickly eclipsing the Iraqi government forces in importance in
Iraq; and that these militias are largely dominated by the Islamic Republic of
Iran. Indeed, many are Iranian proxies.
In other words, the U.S. and its allies have launched an air campaign whose most
important effect, if successful, would be to advance Iran's agenda of dominating
Iraq and eventually becoming the hegemonic power in the region.
The U.S. and its allies have launched an air campaign whose most important
effect, if successful, would be to advance Iran's agenda of dominating Iraq and
eventually becoming the hegemonic power in the region.
How did this happen, and what might its consequences be?
The fall of Mosul in June to a Sunni insurgent offensive spearheaded by the I.S.—which
quickly asserted decisive authority in the city at the expense of its
allies—revealed the incompetence of Iraq's conventional armed forces, which are
plagued by the same rampant corruption and nepotism that are pervasive in Iraq's
post-Saddam political order.
The Shia militias, backed and coordinated by Iran, are now filling the vacuum
left behind by the regular army. This phenomenon was rapidly if unintentionally
bolstered by a fatwa from Iraq's most senior Shia cleric, Ayatollah Sistani, on
the obligation to defend the country in the face of the I.S. threat. While
Sistani had intended to encourage people to enlist in the official security
forces, in practice his fatwa midwifed the broad umbrella of Shia militias
conventionally dubbed al-hashad al-sha'abi ("the popular mobilization") in the
Iraqi press. The militias themselves, however, like to call themselves, somewhat
ominously, al-muqawama al-islamiya ("the Islamic resistance").
Due to the wave of enlistment set off by Sistani and the weakness of the
official security forces, there is scarcely a single area in which at least some
of the Shia militias are not operating. In many cases, such as the recent
successful offensive to clear the I.S. out of Jurf al-Sakhr—a predominantly
Sunni area of Babil province, south of Baghdad—and the ongoing fighting to
dislodge the I.S. from al-Muqdadiya in Diyala province, it is clear that the
fighting has been or is being led by Shia militias.
Grand Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani, Iraq's most senior Shia cleric, has effectively
blessed the formation of militias.
The growing importance of the Shia militias' resistance to the I.S. in Iraq is
not simply the result of their own combat skills. It is very much a product of
the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), the Iranian regime's elite
paramilitary force, whose role in regional conflicts—and, it should be noted,
terrorism—is large and expanding. The Shia's success in Iraq reflects the
effectiveness of IRGC doctrine regarding the construction, support, and use of
sectarian political and military proxies as a central tool—sometimes the central
tool—of Iranian policy in the region.
Iran has displayed a peerless ability to harness and utilize forces of this kind
in the Middle East. It is a major factor in Iran's ongoing success in building
political influence in surrounding countries.
The prototype for this approach was the establishment and sponsorship of the
Shia terrorist group Hezbollah in Lebanon. Following the end of Syria's
occupation of Lebanon in 2005, Hezbollah rapidly emerged as the dominant
political actor in the country, able to conduct its own military policy of
aggression against Israel without any need to consult with other Lebanese
factions.
For a considerable period, Iran's success in Lebanon appeared to be unique. Its
clients elsewhere were far less powerful and influential. However, the current
unrest in the Middle East, characterized by the contraction or collapse of state
authority in a variety of countries, has created an environment in which Iran's
skills have become extremely effective.
As a result of the weakening of the central government in Yemen, for example,
the Iran-supported Houthi militia is now the decisive force in the capital,
Sana'a, and looks set to determine the makeup of the next government.
Most importantly, however, and most relevant to Iraq, the Iranian ability to
utilize sectarian paramilitary formations was perhaps the crucial factor in
turning the tide of the Syrian civil war and preserving the Iran-backed regime
of Bashar al-Assad.
The darkest days of the Assad regime were the closing months of 2012. At that
time, with the rebels having succeeded in entering the city of Aleppo and the
eastern suburbs of Damascus, it looked as though the regime's days were
numbered.
The use of sectarian political and military proxies is the central tool of
Iranian policy in the region.
The problem for the Assad regime—similar to the current government of Iraq—was
that, while the Syrian dictator possessed a large army on paper, the loyalty or
reliability of many units was suspect. Hence, only a certain percentage of the
armed forces could be reliably deployed. Assad's power base is Syria's Alawi
minority, which is relatively small in numbers. Because of this, many analysts
thought that the defeat of the Assad regime in Syria was simply a matter of
time, because the narrow sectarian base of the regime meant that Assad would
simply run out of men willing to take a bullet on his behalf.
The Iranians, however, spotted something different: On both sides, the number of
men actually engaged in the fighting was relatively small. The Syrian civil war
was one of small militias, not massive conventional armies. This meant that the
establishment or insertion of a relatively modest number of committed men could
make a major difference. In early 2013, under Iranian supervision, the number of
Hezbollah fighters operating in Syria was increased. In tandem with this, the
Iranians and Hezbollah began to train members of the Alawi paramilitary groups
known as the Shabiha, which were reformed into a group called the National
Defense Forces (NDF).
The NDF was a light infantry force of about 40,000 men that was deployed in the
spring of 2013 alongside Hezbollah and reliable elements of the Assad-controlled
Syrian Army, as well as some Iraqi Shia paramilitary forces. This closed the
Syrian regime's gap in manpower, and played a key role in pulling it back from
the precipice.
In the summer of 2014, the army of another Iranian ally—the Iraqi
government—faced a similar situation in regard to the Islamic State. At that
time, a number of analysts predicted that the Iranians were likely to follow a
similar strategy to that of Syria. It is now clear that Iran has pursued
precisely such a policy, and with considerable success.
Almost immediately, Qassem Suleimani, commander of the Quds Force of the IRGC—the
agency tasked with the creation and use of proxy political and military
forces—was sent to Baghdad. Very clearly, his task was to coordinate the Iraqi
response.
His influence appears to have been decisive in shaping the Iraqi response.
Predictably, it involves the use of militias and Shia sectarianism along the
lines pioneered in other countries. As an Iraqi official quoted by The Guardian
put it, "Who do you think is running the war? Those three senior generals who
ran away? Qassem Suleimani is in charge. And reporting directly to him are the
militias." Since then, Suleimani has guided much of the fighting against the I.S.,
and has even been physically present at a number of key engagements.
Alongside the Quds Force leaders, there are reliable reports of dozens of IRGC
and Lebanese Hezbollah advisers on the ground in Iraq. In addition, Iraqi
paramilitaries deployed in Syria have been returned to Iraq in order to join the
fight.
So, what is happening in Iraq today is directly analogous to what happened in
Syria. The Iran-aligned, Shia-dominated government in Baghdad is being protected
from Sunni insurgents through the efforts and methods of the IRGC's Quds Force,
the most effective instrument of Iran's regional policy. This, of course, has
major implications for Western policy, which at the current time is acting as
the air wing for this campaign.
The Militias
Precisely who are these militias, and how is Iran aiding them?
There are, at the very least, dozens of Shia militias in Iraq. The oldest date
back to the days of the U.S. occupation prior to 2011 and are clearly proxies of
Iran. They receive training and weapons from the IRGC, and are dedicated to
implementing Iran's ideological system of governance in Iraq.
Iran, however, does not want any of these groups to become powerful enough to
break off and follow its own agenda. To prevent this, it maintains multiple
proxy militias competing against each other. Among the main proxies in question
are Asa'ib Ahl al-Haq (AAH), which developed particularly close relations with
ex-Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki; Kata'ib Hezbollah (with its front group
Saraya al-Difa' ash-Sha'abi); and the Badr Organization. All three of these
organizations have deployed fighters to Syria to assist the Assad regime, and
have also been participating in the Iraqi government's military efforts in Anbar
since the beginning of this year, when Fallujah and parts of Ramadi first fell
out of government control.
Besides these three important actors, other Iranian proxies exist, including
Saraya al-Khorasani, Kata'ib Sayyid al-Shuhada, and Harakat al-Nujaba', all of
which have also deployed in Syria. These groups make no attempt to hide their
ideological affinities with Iran, featuring portraits of Iran's Supreme Leader
Ayatollah Khamenei on their social media sites and "martyrdom" funeral banners
for slain fighters.
Besides the direct Iranian proxies, a number of other Shia militias exist, the
vast majority of which can be tied to one Shia political figure or another. The
most well-known of these is undoubtedly Saraya al-Salam ["The Peace Brigades"],
the reconstituted Mahdi Army of Islamist political leader Muqtada al-Sadr.
Another interesting case is a militia known as Liwa al-Shabab al-Risali, which
claims legitimacy through the Najaf-based cleric Ayatollah Muhammad al-Yaqoubi
and ties itself to the legacy of Muqtada al-Sadr's father, Ayatollah Muhammad
Muhammad Sadeq al-Sadr. Also of interest are Sadrist-leaning militia brands that
first emerged in Syria but have since withdrawn to Iraq, such as Liwa Dhu al-Fiqar.
Elsewhere on the mainstream Shia political spectrum, there are militias linked
to figures from the Islamic Supreme Council of Iraq (ISCI), a Shia Islamic
political party. These include Saraya Ansar al-Aqeeda, led by Sheikh Jalal
ad-Din al-Saghir, and Saraya Ashura', led by Ammar al-Hakim. These militias
appear to be an attempt by ISCI figures to create their own military forces to
rival the Badr Organization, which originated as a break-off from ISCI.
Other militias exist that can be tied to figures known for strong pro-Iranian
tendencies, for example Kata'ib al-Ghadab, which is tied to the pro-Iranian
Da'wah Party (Tanẓim al-Dakhil). Still other groups can be readily identified as
clear attempts to emulate Iranian proxies or other Shia militias, such as "Kata'ib
Hezbollah – the Mujahideen in Iraq" led by Abbas al-Muhammadawi of the Abna'
al-Iraq al-Ghayyara political bloc, and the Abu al-Fadl al-Abbas Forces, based
on the famous Syrian Shia militia, Liwa Abu al-Fadl al-Abbas.
Naturally, the Shia militias are by no means a monolithic ideological bloc. The
most obvious tension is between the Iranian proxies and those who follow the
movement of Muqtada al-Sadr. This is the case even though their rhetoric often
overlaps. They both emphasize the "defense of the homeland and the holy sites,"
and attempt to claim they are unified behind the common cause of "resistance"
and Shia sectarian pride. Nonetheless, the groups that are not explicitly
aligned with Iran are by no means outside Iranian influence or control. Their
relationship with the Islamic Republic is simply more complex and ambiguous than
others.
It is clear, however, that the overall leading role in the militia movement is
played by the Iranian proxies, something that is most apparent in the
appointment of Muhammad al-Ghaban of the Badr Organization as Iraqi Interior
Minister under the new Abadi government. Under Badr's leadership, Operation
Ashura was launched to expel the I.S. from Jurf al-Sakhr. As a source in the
Interior Ministry put it to the pro-government outlet al-Masalah, "The factions
of the Islamic Resistance – Kata'ib Hezbollah, Badr, AAH, recruits and the
popular mobilization, along with Saraya al-Salam, participated in Operation
Ashura which was launched today under the leadership of the Interior Minister
Muhammad Salim al-Ghaban to cleanse the Jurf al-Sakhr district in north Babil
from the Da'esh [I.S.] gangs." [emphasis ours]
In an interview with Aws al-Khafaji after the capture of Jurf al-Sakhr, the Shia
militias that participated are listed as "The heroic brothers of Badr, Saraya
al-Salam, Asa'ib [Ahl al-Haq], [Harakat] al-Nujaba, the Abu al-Fadl al-Abbas
Forces … and some of the other Islamic factions." That Badr was mentioned first
seems to confirm the group's leading role in the operation.
Implications
Needless to say, the proliferation of Shia militias in Iraq, with Iranian
proxies as the strongest players, has important implications.
Due to the security situation in Iraq, the Shia militias will be necessary for
the foreseeable future in the fight against the Islamic State. It is also highly
unlikely that these militias will simply disband even if told to do so. Thus, it
is worth assessing the implications of their rise to prominence and power.
First, it demonstrates the extent to which Iran considers the government of Iraq
a client or proxy regime; one that Tehran will not allow to develop its own
powerful, independent institutions and military. The government in Baghdad, like
the regime in Damascus, is to be saved from those who would destroy it, but only
in such a way that its future is to be an instrument of Iran's will. The
Iranians' innovative use of sectarian militia power and the cultivation of a
variety of paramilitary clients ensures that, if they get their way, no Iraqi
government will be in a position to disobey them.
Moreover, Iran's role in Iraq is clearly part of its desire—tracing back to the
regime's founder, Ayatollah Khomeini—to spread its ideology throughout the Shia
population of the Middle East. What this means is that, while the new sectarian
military formation being developed by the Iranians in Iraq is likely to prove
sufficient to stem the advance of the overstretched I.S. forces, they are also
part of Tehran's larger regional strategy to produce a contiguous line of
pro-Iran states between the Iran-Iraq border and the Mediterranean Sea.
The fragmentation of Iraq and Syria may well thwart that ambition. But Iran has
shown that its practice of creating and utilizing proxy political and military
forces as a key instrument of policy is sufficient to defend its own
interests—if not always to entirely defeat or destroy its Sunni enemies. The
Quds Force is now proving this once again in Iraq.
For the U.S. and its allies, this may represent a short-term advantage, but it
is a long-term threat. The Iranian proxy militias, quite naturally, also embrace
Iran's ideology, which is intensely anti-American, anti-Western, and indeed,
anti-Semitic. They parrot, for example, Iran's official propaganda line,
according to which the I.S. is supposedly a creation of "the Great Satan" (i.e.,
the United States) and/or the Jews.
Nor does the eventual creation, or attempt to create, an Iranian sphere of
influence across the Middle East bode well for American or Western interests.
However effective they may be in fighting the I.S., Iran's proxy militias in
Iraq are part of this agenda and are helping Iran pursue it.
Thanks to current Western policy, this time they are doing it with Western air
support.
**Jonathan Spyer is director of the Global Research in International Affairs
(GLORIA) Center, and a fellow at the Middle East Forum. Aymenn Jawad Al-Tamimi
is a Shillman-Ginsburg Fellow at the Middle East Forum.
Terror in Australia: the Question No
One Wants to Ask
By Peter Ahern/AINA
2014-12-16
http://www.aina.org/guesteds/20141215210209.htm
Two hostages hold up an Islamic banner in a Sydney cafe.(AINA) -- Australia, the
self-styled lucky country, is joining the rest of the world in having to face up
to Islamist terrorism. On Monday an ex-Shia-turned-Sunni Muslim, Man Haron Monis,
took seventeen hostages in a cafe in Sydney. A sixteen hour siege followed,
during which he issued a list of demands, including that police deliver to him a
flag of the Islamic State. After the gunman shot one hostage, police stormed the
cafe and in the ensuing firefight, the gunman and a further hostage were killed,
with several others wounded.
When the siege began, Sydney Muslim community representatives lost no time
issuing statements condemning the gunman and declaring that such terrorist
actions had nothing to do with the religion of Islam. With concerns of a
backlash against the local Muslim minority community, many Australians have
joined a social media campaign offering to travel together with Muslims on
public transport.
This terror drama has been reported on ad infinitum by experts and journalists.
Among the mass of commentary, it is striking that there is one area of
discussion where the commentators have dared not tread. One caller in a
talk-back programme on radio hinted at this unmentionable topic when he claimed
that in fact there was support for terror activity in the Qur'an. The radio
presenter quickly cut him off, declaring that such statements were inappropriate
and, besides, the non-Muslim caller was not qualified to speak about the Qur'an.
In fact, the censored caller was making an important point, about which there
has been a deafening silence in the flood of commentary taking place about this
incident in Australia. That is the question as to whether the violent actions of
such radical Islamists have any foundation in the religion of Islam.
Intimidation and violence are solidly grounded within Islam, especially in the
life of its prophet, Muhammad. Such a claim should be discussed -- but
strikingly the name of Muhammad has not been mentioned at any stage in the flood
of media commentary in Australia regarding the latest incident.
Islamist radicals do not look back to Napoleon as their model, nor to Julius
Caesar, nor to Genghis Khan. But they most certainly do look back to Muhammad,
the primary exemplar of militant activism.
Muhammad was a warrior warlord who expanded his domains through military means.
According to the primary Islamic texts themselves, he personally took part in
around 27 battles, and indeed was wounded. These primary texts -- the Qur'an to
some degree, but especially the Hadith traditions and the principal biography --
provide a clear window into the model Jihad warrior that Muhammad was.
Ibn Ishaq's authoritative biography of Muhammad records that apart from his
military conquests, he instructed his supporters on occasions to liquidate key
opponents; he sanctioned a process that led to the beheading of at least 600
Jews; and he took certain wives of his opponents as concubines, serving as booty
from war.
So when we read that in Iraq warriors of the terrorist Islamic State expand
their domains through military action, murdering their opponents, beheading
captives, and taking the women from conquered Yazidi and Christian groups as war
booty concubines, there can be little doubt who these Islamic State warriors are
looking back to.
Furthermore, so-called "lone wolf" attacks by radical Islamists, such as the
recently concluded terror incident in Sydney carried out by Man Haron Monis,
take their inspiration from the warriors of the Islamic State, who take their
inspiration from Muhammad.
In Australia, which is just beginning to experience the challenge of radical
Islamism -- and it will get much worse -- it is not possible to discuss the
forbidden topic of the link between today's radicals and Muhammad. In order to
have any hope of addressing the problem of rising Islamic radicalism, that
discussion will have to take place. And moderate Muslims will need to be willing
to join in the discussion in order for there to be any progress in the campaign
against radical Islam.
**Peter Ahern is a British freelance writer on religion, politics and society,
currently residing in Australia.
Foreign Affairs, Trade and Development
Canada/Ensure Your Holiday Travel Goes Off Without a Hitch
December 15, 2014 - As many Canadians escape the winter cold this holiday season
to visit family and loved ones or to celebrate with their toes in the sand, it
is important that Canadians understand what they need to do to ensure that their
well-deserved vacation does not turn into a holiday disaster.
Canada’s team of dedicated consular officials assist thousands of Canadian
travellers abroad each year. We provide consular assistance 24 hours a day,
seven days a week, through more than 260 points of service in 150 countries.
However, there are some situations that not even a Christmas miracle can
resolve. That is why Canadians need to prepare before they travel to ensure that
their vacation goes off without a hitch. Here are some tips from me to you this
holiday season:
1.A Canadian Passport Is Not a “Get-Out-of-Jail-Free-Card”
Canadians should recognize that they are subject to the local laws of the
country they are travelling, which are often different from those in Canada.
Canada cannot intervene in foreign judicial processes, just as we would not
accept a foreign government intervening in ours. Canadians abroad are expected
to adhere to local laws, just as they would in Canada. We keep Canadians
up-to-date on country-specific advice and information which can be found at:
Country travel advice and advisories.
2.Say Yes to Travel Insurance
Canadians are urged to always purchase travel and medical insurance before they
leave Canada. In almost all circumstances, the Government of Canada—and the
taxpayer—will not help pay for a ticket back to Canada or medical treatment.
Don’t let unforeseen bills ruin your vacation and your wallet. For more
information please visit: Travel insurance.
3.Register With Us
Canadians can register their travel plans with our team of consular officials
for free either online or through our mobile app. The purpose of registering is
solely to ensure that if there is an emergency in the area you are travelling
in, such as a natural disaster or civil unrest, we can reach you quickly and
provide you with guidance and assistance. This quick registration will take you
two minutes but will provide us with invaluable information to help assist you
when you need it most. For more information on our Registration for Canadians
Abroad, please visit: Registration of Canadians Abroad.
4.Know How to Reach Us
Canadian consular officials can be reached 24 hours a day, 7 days a week through
our call collect number (613) 996-8885 or by email sos@international.gc.ca. We
staff this line with live officials at all times. Call us immediately if you are
in trouble.
5.We Love to Help—But We Cannot Supply You with Maple Syrup
Yes—Canadians have asked us to supply them with an emergency supply of maple
syrup and have even asked us to arrange for a chauffeur for their pet poodle
through the airport during their holiday travel. As much as we love a good
Canadian breakfast staple and are pet lovers ourselves, unfortunately Canadians
have an unrealistic expectation of what we are here to help them with. For a
list of what consular officials can and cannot do, please visit: Consular
Services: general.
Finally, from my family to yours, I would like to personally wish you warm
wishes this holiday season and safe travels wherever it may take you.
Lynne Yelich
Minister of State (Foreign Affairs and Consular)
An Empty, Token Gesture
Abdulrahman Al-Rashed
Tuesday, 16 Dec, 2014 /Alsharq Al Awsat
During a hearing in the US Congress dedicated to discussing Syria and the war on
ISIS, some congressmen were surprised that the American government military
training program for the Syrian opposition will begin next spring and end a year
later in the spring of 2016! “What are we supposed to do until then? Bomb
marginal targets while the training plan continues?” they asked.
The promised training program itself is only worthy of attention on political
grounds because it expresses an American stance in support of the opposition and
the toppling of the Assad regime. It’s only a political position, and one that
should not be seen as carrying much weight, and could be contradicted in the
White House morning summary statements.
The number of members of the Free Syrian Army (FSA) who will be offered training
is so small that it does not exceed a quarter of the number of ISIS’s terrorist
fighters, or one eighth of Bashar Al-Assad’s troops. 5,000 FSA fighters are
supposed to spend one year in American training camps, and it will probably be
two years before any of them can fire a bullet on the battlefield. This is due
to bureaucracy and lack of urgency about the implementation of the program. Even
when they become trained soldiers, what will they do in the face of jets
dropping barrel bombs or cannons shelling from afar? Nothing, because they will
not have the kind of weapons they need to fight back.
Despite this, Syrians will continue to resist whether they are trained or not,
or armed or not, because war is not a matter of choice today and it cannot be
put on hold while Syrians wait for a political solution or until the military
training program is completed. There are nine million displaced Syrians inside
and outside Syria, and they cannot accept the simple provision of blankets and
bread and continue to sleep in the open every winter. This is why the war will
continue. Many Syrians are fighting dressed in rags and using simple weapons.
Even those who are tired of this cannot go home except through force. This is
their only hope. The next two years may pass with the regime staying in Damascus
while still depending on the support of its Iranian ally. However, the war will
not stop without seeing the end of the regime, whether by war or through a
political solution.
We all know that if the moderate opposition possessed advanced weapons, the
regime wouldn’t have survived, and the losses of the regime’s allies would’ve
exceeded their capability to continue in this bloodbath until today. There is no
shortage in the number of volunteers willing to fight the Assad regime. Their
number in the south alone is over 30,000, although they are poorly equipped and
their arms are limited to simple weapons. It’s neither the US nor the European
countries that back the FSA who are training the opposition fighting on the
ground. Most of them received limited training from Turkey and the Arab
countries who are supporting and helping them.
This is why we tell international mediators and Western delegates that they must
understand the new reality on the ground, a reality which bears no relation to
the theoretical solutions that they come up with every time in a different
language. The secret lies in the nine million refugees, most of who are still in
Syria itself. It’s because of them that the war will continue as the Assad
regime views them as potential enemies and won’t allow them to return to their
cities and neighborhoods out of fear of they will allow the opposition in, or
join it. At the same time, we cannot expect them to remain neutral at a time
when they’re expelled from their homes. This is exactly why the war will go on
until change is achieved. What we cannot foresee today is how new political
authorities will be established amongst the refugees, and what their situation
will be. Will more of these lost Syrian youths join extremist organizations like
the ISIS and the Al-Nusra Front? Or will they join the moderate FSA? It’s
difficult to find out from afar what’s happening inside the communities of
refugees. All we can say for sure is that they are a huge reservoir of angry and
desperate people.
A Matter of Conscience
Hussein Shobokshi/Asharq Al Awsat
Tuesday, 16 Dec, 2014
For the past four years, the world has accepted that Syria’s neighbors are
primarily responsible for its refugees. Fleeing the brutality, oppression, and
criminality of the bloody regime of Bashar Al-Assad, more than four million
Syrians have taken refuge abroad, mainly in Turkey, Jordan and Lebanon, while a
few have gone to other countries, such as Iraq, Egypt, the Gulf, and Europe.
The situation of these refugees is getting worse, prompting warnings from
international organizations working on this very critical humanitarian issue.
Figures about the crisis are terrifying, and speak for themselves. Since 2011
more than half of the Syria population has been internally displaced in addition
to the millions who have left the country. According to UN relief organizations,
the Syrian crisis has become the most challenging humanitarian crisis of its
kind in history.
The UN has warned that without more aid, Syrian refugees will face a severe
shortage of food this winter, which will be a harsh one. The UN World Food
Program (WFP) recently warned it would have to suspend issuing electronic food
vouchers to around 1.7 million Syrian refugees simply because it is financially
incapable of fulfilling its obligations, though it was eventually able to find a
solution.
UN relief organizations are in urgent and immediate need for more than six
billion US dollars just to cover the nutritional needs of Syrian refugees on a
temporary basis. The countries that host the largest number of Syrian refugees
have begun to announce that they are incapable of accommodating more. There are
620,000 Syrian refugees in Jordan, 1.2 million in Turkey and 1.1 million in
Lebanon, but real figures are much higher as many remain unregistered.
The UN says that the US, Britain and the rest of the EU are among the biggest
donors, but at the same time it sharply criticized them for dealing with Syrian
refugees based on the principle of keeping them away. In other words, while they
are generous in sending assistance to Syrian refugees, they are unwilling to
accept the idea of allowing them into their countries as they previously did
with nationals from other countries that went through harsh times, such as
Somalia, Eritrea, Vietnam, Bosnia, and Chechnya for example. But it seems that
the UN has grown fed up with this kind of negative policy and is trying to
change the situation by forcing EU countries to accept a considerable number of
Syrian refugees into their territories. Such attempts have led to reluctant
responses from Germany, Britain, and Ireland. In contrast, Sweden’s response to
the Syria crisis has been the finest.
On the other hand, Muslim countries, with the exception of Turkey, Lebanon,
Egypt and Jordan, did not provide services or concessions to host Syrians, or
even the parents of Syrians working in their countries. Instead they put tough
conditions and restrictions on their entry and residence.
Dealing with Syrian refugees is not a political issue but, first and foremost a
moral, humanitarian, and social one. The world cannot claim to be seeking to
solve the Syrian crisis without coming up with exceptional solutions.
Syrians are facing a regime that has left them to face an unknown fate, and if
they return to Syria many will end up in prison, if not dead. The Syrian regime
is sacrificing its people day and night to stay in power. Damascus continues to
be supported by rogue states and criminal gangs around the world who do not
hesitate to do anything in order to keep Assad in power.
Syrian refugees require help that will enable them to live in dignity and
provide them with a measure of psychological stability and peace. This cannot be
realized by maintaining them in makeshift tents in miserable living conditions.
It is high time that more important, effective, and realistic steps were taken.
The continuing deterioration of the problem of Syria’s refugees in this
miserable manner is not related to host countries alone, but should force the
whole world to examine its conscience.
Syria’s Crisis and the Absence of Leadership
Tariq Alhomayed/Asharq Al Awsat
Monday, 15 Dec, 2014
At the same time that the US government is saying that training the moderate
Syrian opposition will be a long-term process, the Islamic State of Iraq and
Syria (ISIS) has announced the end of lessons in the schools of Manbij—a Syrian
town in Aleppo governorate—until all teachers have completed courses in Islamic
Shari’a law. How absurd!
Here, we are faced with two possibilities, either this call is part of ISIS
propaganda and aims to demonstrate the jihadist group’s strength and
indifference to the US-led anti-ISIS coalition, or it is proof that the
international coalition is not making headway against the group, as outgoing US
Defense Secretary Chuck Hagel claims. The latter possibility would represent a
true disaster. ISIS’s decision to put a stop to school lessons in Manbij is
nothing new—we saw similar decisions by the group in Deir Ezzor, Al-Bukamel and
Raqqa—but it is an ample demonstration of the fact that ISIS is able to move
freely and do what it likes in Syria, regardless of the anti-ISIS coalition.
Therefore, when I say that the decision that ISIS has put a stop to teaching in
Manbij as absurd, what I truly mean is that this is a disaster by all accounts.
More importantly, we must acknowledge that ISIS is able to do what it is doing
in Syria thanks to the state of turmoil that has engulfed the US political
system. Now, after previously facing issues stemming from President Barack
Obama’s unwillingness to get involved, we are facing issues surrounding a
general state of US weakness. This is not due to the Republican control of both
the House of Representatives and the Senate, or Obama’s departure from office,
but due to differences between senior members of the Obama administration.
We have a US Defense Secretary who has already submitted his resignation, and
who previously criticized the Obama’s policy in Syria. We have a CIA chief who
is facing a storm of criticism following the report on US intelligence methods
following the 9/11 attacks. More than this, Obama is not standing with his CIA
chief—in fact, there are significant areas of disconnect in the statements that
have been issued by the president and his CIA director on this issue. In
addition to this burning American domestic issue, Obama has previously directed
strong criticism at the US’s foreign intelligence apparatus, saying that it
failed to realize the threat that ISIS represented until it was too late.
At the same time that the US administration is riven by division, ISIS announced
that it was halting school lessons in areas under its control across Syria in
order to “train” teachers. What could be more dangerous than this? There is one
issue that has not received much political or media attention over the past four
years of the Syrian crisis, and threatens to create a “lost generation” of
Syrian children who will not be given the education they require—whether in
Syria or beyond its borders. This means that Syria, and the region, will in a
few years find itself confronted with a new generation of uneducated Syrians who
could fall prey to extremist ideology—whether out of anger regarding their
situation, or out of general ignorance. This is something that will only serve
to further complicate the already complex situation surrounding the Syrian
crisis.
Even if Assad eventually loses power, the reality is that we will still be faced
with major problems that require urgent solutions. All of this has happened due
to international negligence, particularly on the part of Washington. The Syrian
crisis will not be resolved simply by the passage of time, as some believe. We
need real international leadership to solve this, and that is the one thing that
is absent today.
Thousands join anti-Islam protest in
eastern German city
AFP, Dresden/Al Arabiya
Monday, 15 December 2014
Thousands demonstrated Monday in eastern Germany against “criminal asylum
seekers” and the “Islamisation” of the country, in the latest show of strength
of a growing far-right populist movement. The mass demonstration in the eastern
city of Dresden was the ninth so-called “Monday demonstration” organised by the
group “Patriotic Europeans Against the Islamisation of the Occident” or PEGIDA.
“We are the people,” chanted the demonstrators, co-opting the phrase famously
shouted a quarter-century ago by East German pro-democracy protesters here in
the lead-up to the fall of the Berlin Wall. Dominated by ordinary citizens but
supported by neo-Nazis and hard-right football hooligans, PEGIDA has sparked
nationwide soul-searching as it has grown and spawned half a dozen clone
movements across Germany. Chancellor Angela Merkel earlier Monday condemned the
protests and warned Germans not to be “exploited” by extremists, saying the
right to demonstrate did not extend to “rabble-rousing and defamation” against
foreigners.
In the crowd, many waved the black-red-gold national flag, and one held a cross
painted in the same colours, while others held up signs that said “Wake up!”,
“We won’t be cheated any more” and “We are mature citizens, not slaves”.
“Seventy percent of people claiming political asylum here are economic refgees,”
one of the protesters, Michael Stuerzenberger, asserted to AFP. “We don’t want
to stay silent about this anymore.”“We don’t want a flood of asylum seekers, we
don’t want Islamisation. We want to keep our country with our values. Is that so
terrible? Does that make us Nazis? Is it a crime to be a patriot?” Hundreds of
riot police kept a close watch on the demonstration, and on counter-protests
nearby marching under the banners “Dresden Nazi-free” and “Dresden for All”,
organised by civic, political and church groups. While several known neo-Nazis
have been spotted in the PEGIDA crowds, the rallies since October have been
dominated not by jackbooted men with shorn heads but by disenchanted citizens
who voice a string of grievances. The anti-euro AfD party has openly sympathised
with PEGIDA and several conservative politicians have argued the government must
“listen” to the people’s concerns about immigration and a large influx of
refugees.
A poll for news website Zeit Online showed that nearly half of all Germans -- 49
percent -- sympathised with PEGIDA’s stated concerns and 30 percent indicated
they “fully” backed the protests’ aims. Almost three in four -- 73 percent --
said they worried that “radical Islam” was gaining ground and 59 percent said
Germany accepted too many asylum seekers.
A fight too far? U.S. prepares Syrian opposition for battle
Abdulrahman al-Rashed /Al Arabiya
Monday, 15 December 2014
During a Congressional hearing session dedicated for the discussion of Syria and
the war on ISIS, some congressmen were surprised that the American government
military training program for the Syrian opposition will begin next spring and
end a year later in the spring of 2016! “What are we supposed to do until then?
Bomb marginal areas while the training plan goes on for a long time?” they
deploringly asked.
The promised training program itself is only worthy of attention on the
political level because it expresses an American stance in support of the
opposition and the toppling of the Assad regime. It’s only a political stance
that must not carry any further weight or interpretation, and it can be
contradicted in the White House morning summary statements.
“The number of Free Syrian Army members promised to undergo training is so small
that it does not exceed a quarter of the number of ISIS terrorist fighters”
The number of Free Syrian Army members promised to undergo training is so small
that it does not exceed a quarter of the number of ISIS terrorist fighters or
one eighth of Bashar al-Assad’s troops. Five thousand FSA fighters are supposed
to spend one year in American training camps and it will probably be two years
before any of them can fire a bullet in the battlefield. This is due to
bureaucracy and lack of urgency about the implementation of the promised task.
Even when they become trained soldiers, what will they do in the face of jets
dropping barrel bombs or cannons shelling from afar? Nothing, because they are
deprived of defense weapons.
Continue to fight
Despite that, Syrians will continue to fight whether they are trained or not,
armed or not, because war is not a matter of choice today and it cannot be
paused while Syrians wait for a political solution or until military training
ends. There are nine million Syrians displaced inside and outside Syria and they
cannot accept the simple provision of blankets and bread and continue to sleep
in the open every winter. This is why war did not stop and will not stop. Many
Syrians are fighting dressed in rags and using simple weapons. Even those who
are tired of this cannot go home except through force. This is their only hope.
The next two years may pass with the regime staying in Damascus while still
depending on the support of its Iranian ally. However, the war will not stop
without marking the end of the regime whether by war or through a political
solution.
We all know that if the moderate opposition possessed advanced weapons, the
regime wouldn’t have lasted and the losses of the regime’s allies would’ve
exceeded their capability to continue in this bloodbath until today. There is no
shortage in the number of volunteers willing to fight the Assad regime. Their
number in the south alone is more than 30,000 although they are poorly equipped
and their arms are limited to simple weapons. It’s neither the United States nor
the European countries in support of the FSA who are training the opposition
fighting on ground. Most of the latter received fast-track training in Turkey
and Arab countries who support and help them.
This is why we tell international mediators and Western delegates that they must
understand the new reality which doesn’t harmonize with theoretical solutions
that they come up with every time in a different language. The secret lies in
the nine million refugees mostly found inside Syria itself. It’s because of them
that the war will continue as the Assad regime views them as rivals and won’t
allow them to return to their cities and neighborhoods out of fear of handing
them over to the opposition or them fighting with the opposition as well. At the
same time, we cannot expect them to remain neutral at a time when they’re
expelled from their homes. This is exactly why the war will go on until change
is achieved. What we cannot know in the near future is how power will be
established amongst the refugees and how their situation will be. Will more of
these lost Syrian youths join extremist organizations like the ISIS and al-Nusra
Front? Or will they join the moderate FSA? It’s difficult to speculate what’s
happening inside the communities of refugees and those displaced from afar. All
one can say is that they are a huge and angry human reservoir.