Israeli intelligence sources estimates: 300 Hezbollah operatives killed in Syria
Yoav Zitun Published: 12.29.13, 20:22 /Ynetnews /Hezbollah involvement in Syria war results in death of 300 of organization's operatives, conflict's death toll continues to rise as more than 500 Syrians killed in airstrike
As the war in Syria presses on, Hezbollah 's involvement continues to claim lives, so far reaching a death toll of some 300 operatives, according to estimates of Israeli intelligence sources. An official with the IDF 's Intelligence Directorate noted that Iran was still supplying ammunition to the Shiite group, stressing that Hezbollah chief Hassan Nasrallah is expected to continue to support Syrian President Bashar Assad. Hezbollah's resources are being damaged," the official said. "According to our estimates over 300 of the organization's operatives were killed so far, including those whose deaths were not reported. "Furthermore," the official added, "thousands of the organization's members.  According to the source, however, Lebanon and other Arab nations are against Hezbollah's involvement in the Syrian war." He added that Hezbolla's assistance to the Syrian regime is compromising Lebanon's stability and that a million Syrian refugees storming Lebanon have brought about financial constraints.
Syria death toll soars
Beyond Hezbollah deaths, the number of fatalities among Syrians is on the rise. A Syrian activist group said Sunday more than 500 people have been killed in the government's two-week aerial assault on opposition-held areas of the northern city of Aleppo and its suburbs. President Assad's aircraft have pummeled rebel areas of the divided city since December 15, often with crude barrel bombs that cause massive damage upon impact.
The Britain-based Syrian Observatory for Human Rights said Sunday the aerial campaign killed at least 517 people, including 151 children and 46 women, as of midnight Saturday.
The Observatory monitors the conflict through a network of activists on the ground. The Syrian government hasn't commented on the campaign. AP contributed to this report

Ban Urges 'Maximum Restraint,' Appreciates Cooperation with UNIFIL
Naharnet Newsdesk 30 December 2013/U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon has urged all parties to exercise maximum restraint after rockets fired from southern Lebanon struck northern Israel, sparking an Israeli reprisal shelling. Ban “appreciates the cooperation of both the Lebanese and Israeli authorities with UNIFIL's efforts to prevent further escalation of this incident, as well as their continued commitment to the cessation of hostilities along the Blue Line,” his spokesperson said in a statement on Sunday. The U.N. chief urged “all actors to exercise maximum restraint and prevent further incidents with destabilizing and escalatory potential in the region.”
Israeli police spokesman Micky Rosenfeld said the rocket fire caused no injuries or damage. Shortly after, the Lebanese border areas of Rashaya, Rashaya al-Fakhar, al-Mariyeh, Ibl al-Saqi, al-Wazzani, Kfarshouba Hills, Wata al-Khiyam, and Sarda were shelled. UNIFIL commander Maj. Gen. Paolo Serra said he had been assured by the parties of their full cooperation with the peacekeeping mission and of “their continued commitment to the cessation of hostilities.”"It is of paramount importance to identify and apprehend the perpetrators of this attack and we will spare no efforts to this end working in cooperation with the Lebanese Armed Forces," he said.
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu commended the military for responding "quickly and forcefully" to the rocket attack.
He accused the Lebanese government of "not lifting a finger" to stop the "war crimes" committed in its territory. "Hizbullah deploys thousands of rockets and missiles among the civilian population,” he said.
Defense Minister Moshe Yaalon said Israel "would not tolerate" such attacks and held the government and the army responsible for any fire emerging from its territory.
 

Suleiman: Lebanon Should Take Advantage of International Support to Form New Govt.
Naharnet Newsdesk 30 December 2013/President Michel Suleiman hoped on Monday that the new year will witness the formation of a new government. He said: “Lebanon should take advantage of the current international support in order to form a new cabinet.” He hoped that the cabinet would be formed in early 2014. Earlier, the president had held contacts to follow up on the latest developments regarding Sunday's rocket attacks from southern Lebanon against Israel and the Jewish state's consequent retaliation. Suleiman, who held talks at the Baabda Palace with Army Commander General Jean Qahwaji, stressed the importance of implementing United Nations Security Council resolution 1701. Two missiles fired from southern Lebanon exploded Sunday in northern Israel, prompting the Israeli military to hit back with 20 shells against the South.
No one from either side of the border was wounded in the incident. Suleiman also followed up on Sunday's assault against Grand Mufti Sheikh Mohammed Rashid Qabbani, condemning the incident.
“The attack goes against the Lebanese spirit and traditions,” he remarked before his visitors. Later on Monday, Suleiman telephoned Saudi King Abdullah to thank him for the kingdom's support to the army.
He also received a telephone call from French President Francois Hollande, who renewed his country's support for Lebanon. The French President expressed his country's readiness to meet the demands of the Lebanese army through coordination between the two countries' defense ministries and army commands. Suleiman later held talks on the government formation efforts and latest developments with head of the Mustaqbal bloc MP Fouad Saniora. The president announced on Sunday that Saudi Arabia had pledged to grant Lebanon three billion dollars with the aim of purchasing French weapons for the Lebanese army as soon as possible.
 

Mufti Accuses Protesters at Funeral of Seeking to 'Kill' him
Naharnet Newsdesk 30 December 2013/Grand Mufri Sheikh Mohammed Rashid Qabbani considered on Monday that protesters at al-Khasheqji Mosque were seeking to “Kill him” upon his arrival to take part in the funeral of 16-year-old boy Mohammed al-Chaar. “After I heard slogans saying Qabbani the enemy of God I thought that my blood was wasted,” Qabbani said in comments published in al-Akhbar newspaper.
The mufti explained that he decided to take part in the funeral after “he saw footage of the Chaar's father and his friends crying.”“My bodyguards weren't there... I only wanted to pray and go back home,” Qabbani said. Qabbani struggled on Sunday to leave the premises of the Mosque after mourners were angered by his arrival to attend the funeral of Chaar, prompting members of the Internal Security Forces Intelligence Bureau's Strike Force to escort him out. Several youth, mainly supports of al-Mustaqbal movement, were outraged by the arrival of the Mufti, shouting angry slogans against him.
Qabbani's ties with al-Mustaqbal deteriorated last year when he met with a delegation from Hizbullah the same day the Special Tribunal for Lebanon indicted four party members in former PM Rafik Hariri's February 2005 assassination. Relations between the two sides were also shaken when the mufti met with Syrian Ambassador Ali Abdul Karim Ali, whom al-Mustaqbal and the March 14 opposition alliance have on several occasions said should be expelled. Chaar's funeral was attended by several Beirut figures, officials, popular delegations and the slain teenager's family and friends.
He succumbed to his injuries. A picture of him and three friends taken moments before downtown Beirut explosion has gone viral on social networking websites. The bomb attack took place on Friday morning in Starco in Beirut, leaving ex-Finance Minister and ex-Prime Minister Saad Hariri's adviser Mohammed Shatah, his bodyguard and seven other people dead.

Lebanese Army fires on Syrian warplanes after air raid

December 30, 2013/The Daily Star /BEIRUT/HERMEL, Lebanon: The Lebanese Army fired anti-aircraft guns on Syrian warplanes Monday that dropped four rockets on the outskirts of the eastern border town of Arsal.
A military source told The Daily Star that troops were responding to orders from the Lebanese Army command “to fire on any warplane that violates Lebanese airspace.” Security sources said two Syrian warplanes dropped four air-to-ground rockets on Wadi Daoud on the fringes of Arsal. They had no immediate reports of casualties from the 12 p.m. air strike.
 

MP, Marwan Hamadeh sees Saudi help for Army blow to Hezbollah

December 30, 2013/The Daily Star /BEIRUT: March 14 official Marwan Hamadeh hailed Monday a $3 billion Saudi grant to buy arms for the Lebanese Army as a bid to end Hezbollah arms dominance. “The Baabda Declaration and now the Saudi-French-Lebanese deal will put an end to Hezbollah’s weapons domination both in Lebanon and Syria,” Hamadeh said in a statement. He expressed hope that Iran would join “this renewed international role.”Hamadeh praised President Michel Sleiman for cutting the deal that would allow the Lebanese Army to buy weapons from France. He also thanked Saudi King Abdullah for his “leading role in the Arab world,” recalling Riyadh’s part in rebuilding Lebanon following the 1975-90 Civil War and the 2006 Israel- Lebanon war. “Here it [Saudi Arabia] is again rebuilding Lebanese institutions, the [Lebanese] Army, which is the most vulnerable to the illegitimate weapons conspiracy,” Hamadeh added. Sleiman announced Sunday that Saudi Arabia has pledged $3 billion to buy arms for the Lebanese Army from France to help support and strengthen the military.

US Ambassador Jeffrey Feltman Remembers Martyr Mohammad Shatah

Remembering Mohammad Shatah
December 30, 2013/The Daily Star
By: Jeffrey Feltman/ U.S. ambassador to Lebanon (2004-08),

http://www.dailystar.com.lb/News/Lebanon-News/2013/Dec-30/242634-remembering-mohammad-shatah.ashx#axzz2ojQaMdHw
When I was U.S. ambassador to Lebanon, my phone calls with Mohammad Shatah, then foreign policy adviser to Prime Minister Fouad Siniora, were frequent but brief. “You around?” he would ask, in a calm, low-key American accented voice. I’d say yes, recognizing his signal that I should drop by his office at the Grand Serail sometime that day. For security reasons, we never set an exact time.When I arrived to the grandiose marble office that never really seemed to suit him, Mohammad inevitably had a twinkle in his eye, again a signal: that he had some clever idea to try out, something that just might address one of the multiple crises that always seemed to be gripping Lebanon. A way by which the international community might more effectively respond to the reconstruction needs of Lebanon after the 2006 Hezbollah-Israel war. A proposal that might end a Cabinet boycott that began in November 2006. Something innovative to address Lebanon’s chronic electricity blackouts. He took time to warm up, to get beyond describing the problem to coming at last to his proposed approach. Mindful of my or his other appointments, I urged him to accelerate his delivery. But Mohammad would not be rushed: to understand his idea, I had to follow the intellectual journey he had traveled to develop his proposal.
Mohammad was a strategic thinker who seemed to take particular joy in devising implementation plans down to the smallest detail with the almost mathematical precision one would expect in a former IMF official. His proposals ranged from the occasionally outlandish to the deeply practical, but there was inevitably an underlying theme: that the Lebanese could and should be in charge of Lebanon, that outsiders (as well as those insiders equipped with arms and money provided by outsiders) should not be the ones to set the agenda for Lebanon. His patriotism for Lebanon made him an ideal emissary for crossing sectarian and political lines, which he often did quietly and effectively. Even at the height of March 14-March 8 tensions in 2006 and 2007, I remember March 8 politicians singling out Mohammad as the one March 14 politician who they claimed was willing to listen to them. When the March 8 forces tried to discredit Fouad Siniora and Saad Hariri, they dubbed Siniora’s Cabinet “the Feltman government,” describing me as the puppet master. This greatly amused Mohammad. Looking back, I am struck by the irony of the contrast between that description and how the U.S.-Lebanese relationship really worked then. Lebanese influence on U.S. thinking was far greater than the reverse. U.S. broad policy goals focused on support for Lebanon’s independence and stability, but the details developed from conversations with wise and courageous Lebanese leaders like Mohammad Shatah.
In light of Mohammad’s assassination, one initiative in particular that bore his fingerprints stands out: the Special Tribunal for Lebanon, about to begin its deliberations in The Hague. Several brave Lebanese played critical roles in developing the proposal for the tribunal and then worked with the U.N. and others to make it a fact. Just recently, in fact, Prime Minister Najib Mikati made sure that Lebanon fulfilled parts of its obligations, by paying its share of the STL’s cost. Mohammad was one of the key Lebanese who worked behind the scenes in finding a way by which the international community could help Lebanon end the long, sad era of impunity for murder. The outrageous crime that ended Mohammad’s life is a stark reminder of the importance of the STL and why it deserves Lebanese and international support. Let us hope that the STL can help see that the Shatah family is the last Lebanese family that must mourn for loved ones assassinated for their political beliefs.
In my current position at the United Nations, my role as an international public servant differs considerably from my previous mandate as a U.S. official representing Washington’s interests. But Mohammad’s inspiring vision for a secure, prosperous and sovereign Lebanon is also the goal of the organization I am now honored to serve.
Mohammad was a decent man, in a beautiful but tragic country where politics is often played indecently. I will miss the twinkle in his eye and his laughter, his calm and logical presentations of sometimes radical ideas, and especially his friendship. I convey my condolences to his wife Nina, sons Rani and Omar, and to the people of Lebanon.
**Jeffrey Feltman, who served as U.S. ambassador to Lebanon (2004-08), retired from the U.S. Foreign Service and is currently the U.N. undersecretary-general for political affairs
 

Mohammad Shatah’s open letter to Hassan Rouhani

December 30, 2013/The Daily Star
Editor’s note: Former Lebanese finance minister Shatah wrote the following open letter last week to Iranian President Hassan Rouhani. Shatah left behind this missive published by The Wall Street Journal two days after he was killed by a car bomb in Beirut Friday morning.
Your Excellency,
We are taking this exceptional step to address you and other regional and global leaders because these are exceptionally dangerous times for our country. Not only is Lebanon’s internal and external security being seriously threatened, but the very unity of our state is in real jeopardy. It is our obligation to do all we can to protect our nation from these threats. And today, more than ever before, the choices made by the Islamic Republic of Iran will play an important role in determining our success or failure. That’s why we are writing to you, as the president of the Islamic Republic of Iran.
But these are exceptional times for Iran as well. After many years of confrontation between Iran and a major part of the international community, your election as president last summer has signaled to many in the region and the world that the Iranian people want to set their country on a new path; a path of reform and openness and peaceful relations with the rest of the world. The recent interim agreement between Iran and the P5+1, and the statements you have made since your election, have raised expectations that Iran may indeed be taking the first concrete steps along that positive path. We sincerely hope that this is the case.
But for us, as representatives of the Lebanese people, the real test is not so much whether Iran reaches a final agreement with Western powers on its nuclear program, nor whether domestic economic and social reforms are successfully put in place – important as these objectives are to the world and to the Iranian people. For us in Lebanon, the real test is whether Iran is genuinely prepared to chart a new course in its policies toward the rest of region, and most specifically toward Lebanon.
Your Excellency,
It is an undisputed fact that Iran’s Revolutionary Guard continues to maintain a strategic military relationship with Hezbollah, a military organization that Iran’s Revolutionary guard was instrumental in establishing 30 years ago. At that time Lebanon was still in the midst of a terrible Civil War and southern Lebanon was under Israeli occupation. Today, 23 years after the end of the Civil War and the disbanding of all other Lebanese militias, and 13 years after the liberation of the south from Israeli occupation (in which the Lebanese resistance played a crucial role), Hezbollah continues to maintain an independent and heavily armed military force outside the authority of the state. This is happening with the direct support and sponsorship of your country.
As we are sure you would agree, the presence of any armed militia in parallel to the legitimate armed forces of the state and operating outside the state’s control and political authority is not only in conflict with the Lebanese Constitution, but also with the very definition of a sovereign state – any state. This is the case irrespective of the religious affiliations of such non-state militias or the causes they claim to champion.
Hezbollah’s insistence on maintaining an independent military organization, under the banner of “Islamic Resistance,” has been a major obstacle in the face of much-needed national efforts to strengthen state institutions and to put an end to the legacy of the Civil War and the spread [of] weapons throughout the country. This has, inevitably, also weakened Lebanon’s national unity and exposed the country to the widening sectarian fault lines in the region, and has contributed to the rise of religious extremism and militancy.
Moreover, the use of – or implied threat of using – Hezbollah’s weapons advantage to tilt the domestic political playing field has made the delicate task of managing the Lebanese political system almost impossible, and has led to a gradual systemic paralysis. Hezbollah’s blatant protection of five of its members who had been indicted by the Special international Tribunal for Lebanon in the case of the late Rafik Hariri assassination has compounded the suspicions and mistrust.
Your Excellency,
Over the past year, Hezbollah’s direct participation in the conflict in Syria has greatly aggravated Lebanon’s already precarious situation. It is well recognized that the Lebanese public is divided regarding the war in Syria. We, as members of the broad March 14 political alliance, stand fully, both politically and morally, in support of the Syrian people. We believe the Assad regime has lost both its moral legitimacy and its ability to restore peace and unity in Syria. However as representatives of the Lebanese people, our focus and main responsibility is to protect Lebanon from the grave danger of the fire raging next door spreading into our country. In fact, the conflict in Syria has already touched many of our border towns and villages and sparked sporadic violence and despicable acts of terrorism. As you know, the Iranian Embassy in Beirut has been the target of a deplorable terrorist bombing, as were mosques and civilian neighborhoods.
Combating this scourge and protecting Lebanon from worse spillovers cannot succeed while a major Lebanese party is participating directly in the Syrian conflict. It is, in effect, an invitation to those on the receiving end of Hezbollah’s bombs and bullets in Syria to bring the war back to Hezbollah’s homeland – our common homeland. Regrettably, this is happening with the support of, and in coordination with, the Islamic Republic of Iran.
Your Excellency,
Lebanon today is in crisis on all levels. Clearly, palliatives are not enough anymore. We need to protect Lebanon from falling further down a very slippery slope. We believe that this can be done only if regional and international powers, including Iran, are ready to take the necessary steps. The guideposts are already there. They were spelt out in the national declaration issued jointly by all political parties last year and dubbed the Baabda Declaration. The declaration had affirmed the objective of safeguarding Lebanon’s security by: 1) protecting it against spillovers from Syria and more generally neutralizing it away from regional and international conflicts and alliances; and 2) completing the implementation of Security Council Resolution 1701.
In our view, this would require the following concrete steps, to be agreed and launched through a special Security Council meeting or a special, wider support-group conference:
1. A declared commitment by all other countries, including Iran, to the neutralization of Lebanon as agreed in the Baabda Declaration. Clearly, it is not enough for Lebanon to declare a desire to be neutralized. More importantly, other countries need to commit themselves to respect Lebanon’s national desire;
2. Ending all armed participation by Lebanese groups and parties, including Hezbollah, in the Syrian conflict;
3. Establishing effective control by the Lebanese Army and security forces over the border with Syria, supported by the United Nations if needed, as permitted under UNSCR 1701;
4. Requesting the Security Council to begin the steps needed to complete the implementation of UNSCR 1701. This aims at moving Lebanon from the current interim cessation-of-hostilities status with Israel to a permanent cease-fire with U.N. security arrangements, which will end border infringements by Israel and establish complete and exclusive security authority by the Lebanese armed forces throughout the country.
This vision and road map may seem radical, considering that Lebanon has not seen full and exclusive control by the state over its territory and over all weapons in four decades. But these are also the basic natural rights of any country that seeks to be free and independent. It is our obligation as representatives of the people of Lebanon to do all we can to regain those rights. For years, we have supported – and will continue to support – the right of Palestine to be free and independent. Similarly, we support Iran’s national right as a free and sovereign nation in control of its destiny and its security within its borders. As a small but proud nation we cannot aspire for less.
Your Excellency,
This is Lebanon’s cause. We will do all we can to mobilize all the support it needs and deserves. Ultimately, whether we succeed or not will depend on decisions taken, not only by the Lebanese people but also by others, including your good self. Admittedly – but also understandably – there are many Iran-skeptics in Lebanon and in the region. We hope that Iran’s choices in Lebanon can prove them wrong.
Sincerely,Mohammad Shatah
 

15 Palestinians dead from hunger in Syria camp: UNRWA
December 30, 2013/Daily Star/BEIRUT: At least 15 Palestinians have died of hunger since September in a besieged refugee camp in the Syrian capital Damascus, the UN agency for Palestinian refugees told AFP on Monday.
"Reports have come in over the weekend that at least five Palestinian refugees in the besieged refugee camp of Yarmuk in Damascus have died because of malnutrition, bringing the total number of reported cases to 15," UN Relief and Works Agency spokesman Chris Gunness told AFP. He warned of a deteriorating situation in the camp, where some 20,000 Palestinians are trapped, with limited food and medical supplies.
"Since September 2013 we have been unable to enter the area to deliver desperately needed relief supplies," Gunness said. "The continued presence of armed groups that entered the area at the end of 2012 and its closure by government forces have thwarted all our humanitarian efforts." Most of the Yarmuk camp in southern Damascus is under the control of the armed opposition, and it has been under a siege by troops loyal to President Bashar al-Assad for around a year. The blockade has resulted in a humanitarian crisis, and the exodus of tens of thousands of the camp's 170,000 residents. On Friday, the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights NGO reported five people in the camp had died of malnutrition, including an elderly man, a disabled man and a woman. UNRWA chief Filippo Grandi addressed the situation earlier this month, warning that conditions in Yarmuk had "progressively deteriorated". "If this situation is not addressed urgently, it may be too late to save the lives of thousands of people including children," he warned. Gunness said UNRWA was calling "all parties to immediately heed their legal obligations and facilitate the urgent provision of humanitarian assistance to Yarmuk and other Palestinian refugee camps." Syria is officially home to nearly 500,000 Palestinian refugees, around half of whom have been displaced by the deadly conflict that broke out in March 2011, becoming refugees for a second time.More than 126,000 people have been killed in the Syrian conflict.

US, Libyan forces capture Tunisia Islamist militant
December 30, 2013/Daily Star/TUNIS: U.S. and Libyan forces on Monday captured Saifallah Benahssine, the leader of Tunisia's Islamist militant group Ansar al-Sharia, in the Libyan city of Misrata, Tunisia's state news agency TAP said, citing a security source. A former fighter in Afghanistan, Benahssine, also known as Abu Iyadh, had declared loyalty to al Qaeda and was accused of inciting an attack on the U.S. embassy in Tunisia a year ago.
 

Iran, world powers resume nuclear talks
December 30, 2013/Daily Star
GENEVA: Closed-door talks resumed Monday between Iran and world powers on implementing a landmark deal to rein in Tehran's controversial nuclear programme in exchange for easing sanctions.
European Union foreign policy spokesman Michael Mann told AFP that the Geneva meeting began at 8:30 am (0730 GMT) but that no further details would be available immediately.
Technical experts from Iran and the EU-chaired "P5+1" group -- comprising the United States, China, Russia, Britain, France and Germany -- also held a session two weeks ago in Geneva amid efforts to fine-tune a deal reached by their foreign ministers in the Swiss city on November 24. The latest talks were set to last for one day, before a break for New Year, Iran's official news agency IRNA quoted deputy foreign minister and nuclear pointman Abbas Araqchi as saying. On December 22, Araqchi said progress towards implementing the November deal was proving slow because of differing interpretations over its terms, but that the goal was to have it in force by the end of January. Earlier this month, experts held four days of talks in Vienna -- home of the International Atomic Energy Agency -- but the Iranians walked out after Washington expanded its sanctions blacklist against Tehran. Under the Geneva deal, Iran agreed to roll back parts of its nuclear programme for six months in exchange for modest sanctions relief and a promise by Western powers not to impose new sanctions.
During the six-month nuclear freeze, Iran and world powers aim to hammer out a long-term comprehensive accord to decisively end the standoff over Iran's contested nuclear programme, after a decade of failed attempts and rising tensions. Iran denies wanting nuclear weapons but many in the international community suspect otherwise, and neither Israel -- widely considered to be the Middle East's sole if undeclared nuclear-armed state -- nor Washington have ruled out military action
 

Former Shin Bet chief announces new scholarship for discharged Golan Druze soldiers

By LIDAR GRAVÉ-LAZI 12/30/2013/J.Post
The scholarship will enable young people from the Druze community to pursue higher academic studies.
The International Fellowship of Christians and Jews (IFCJ) along with Sayeret Matkal (General Staff Reconnaissance Unit) led by former minister Avi Dichter, established a new scholarship program on Sunday for army and national service graduates of the Druze community in commemoration of Sayeret Matkal Major Salim Shufi. “This is the first project of this kind to incorporate young Druze residents of the Golan Heights. Young people of the Golan Heights know they are welcomed citizens of Israel and this is a very good thing bringing together the Druze community in the Golan Heights and Israel. The family expresses its thanks for the establishment of the program and wishes success for all those involved," said Dolan Abu Salah, mayor of Majdal Shams, who is married to Shufi’s granddaughter. The scholarship, which will enable young people from the Druze community to pursue higher academic studies and integrate into Israeli society and economy, will be awarded to 25 young men and women to be chosen by a committee comprised of representatives of the family, graduates of Sayeret Matkal and representatives of IFCJ. “I have known Shufi since I was a boy of 18. He was an exceptional fighter in terms of his ability and courage. Salim was a man with no boundaries who helped other people with no limitations. The contributions of the Druze community to the security of Israel are enormous and people are unaware of large aspects of it. This project will give proper respect to the Druze community and there is no better way to commemorate the name and actions of Salim Shufi,” said Dichter. Shufi, born in the village of Majdal Shams, joined the Sayeret Matkal in the 60’s and participated in numerous operations for the security of Israel. Most notably, he helped save the lives of a Sayeret force under the command of then Officer Binyamin Netanyahu by infiltrating deep into Syrian territory and helping the force navigate back into Israel undetected. Following the army Shufi served as mayor of Majdal Shams and greatly helped the advancement and development of the Druze community. He passed away last year at the age of 82.  “I'm proud of this project and hope that the legacy of Salim Shufi will pass onto the next generations and that more will follow in his footsteps,” said founder and president of IFCJ Rabbi Yechiel Eckstein.

Commentaries

Lebanese Authorities are unable to stop Lebanese from becoming mere collateral damage
Collateral damage

December 30, 2013/The Daily Star
Politicians in Lebanon are well aware of the precarious security situation and the threats to their lives daily, which was brought into dramatic focus with Friday’s assassination of former Minister Mohammad Shatah.
Although special precautions are taken against such terror attacks, these measures can’t provide total protection from harm, as Shatah’s killing proved. But other people perished in Friday’s car bombing in downtown Beirut – Shatah’s bodyguard, Tarek Badr, and six innocent bystanders. One of them was Mohammad Shaar, a 16-year-old, whose photographs – before and after the blast – were circulated widely on social media.
Shaar represents the ordinary people from across the political and sectarian divide who continue to pay the ultimate price for merely residing here. They’re the people who wake up every morning and leave for school or work, or for a bit of socializing with friends, without being certain if they’ll return home at the end of the day. Meanwhile, government officials and politicians issue worthless statements about the security situation, claiming things are under control. On other occasions, they just shrug and lamely ask, “What can we do?”The Lebanese are sick and tired of all these worthless words and want to get on with their lives. They have been promised that efforts are being made to improve the economic situation, defend national sovereignty or lure tourists, somehow, to the country. These are all luxury items in the context of the current situation, because the authorities are unable to stop people from becoming mere collateral damage. For nearly a decade, a string of political assassinations and bombings have claimed innocent lives – the assassination of former Prime Minister Rafik Hariri killed over 20 people. Horrific bombings struck around the country this year, leaving in their wake victims from all sects, regions and political persuasions. Ending this saga of death and destruction should be the top priority because no promised improvements will mean anything if the people aren’t around to enjoy them. The measures that have been used to defend Lebanon against terror haven’t worked, and officials must change their approach to produce a solution. The killers continue to kill because they’re fully confident they’ll never be caught or punished for their heinous acts. If Lebanon’s leaders can’t stop citizens from becoming collateral damage, they are telling people: If you’re rich enough, send your children away because we can’t guarantee their security and if you lack these resources, take whatever job opportunity you can get abroad, no matter how menial, because you’re on your own.
Ordinary people who obey the law, play by the rules and hope for a better life have no prospects. With every passing day, Lebanon is being emptied of its most valuable resources. The only future may be one where the thugs call the shots.

The End of Erdogan's Cave of Wonders
An I-Told-You-So
by David P. Goldman/PJ Media
http://www.meforum.org/3705/end-of-erdogan

Turkey is coming apart. The Islamist coalition that crushed the secular military and political establishment—between Tayip Erdogan's ruling AK Party and the Islamist movement around Fethullah Gulen—has cracked. The Gulenists, who predominate in the security forces, have arrested the sons of top government ministers for helping Iran to launder money and circumvent sanctions, and ten members of Erdogan's cabinet have resigned. Turkey's currency is in free fall, and that's just the beginning of the country's troubles: about two-fifths of corporate debt is in foreign currencies, so the cost of servicing it jumps whenever the Turkish lira declines. Turkish stocks have crashed (and were down another 5% in dollar terms in early trading Friday). As the charts below illustrate, so much for Turkey's miracle economy.
Two years ago I predicted a Turkish economic crash. Erdogan's much-vaunted economic miracle stemmed mainly from vast credit expansion to fuel an import boom, leaving the country with a current account deficit of 7 % of GDP (about the same as Greece before it went bankrupt) and a mushrooming pile of short-term foreign debt. The Gulf states kept financing Erdogan's import bill, evidently because they wanted to keep a Sunni power in business as a counterweight to Iran; perhaps they have tired of Turkey's double-dealing with the Persians. And credulous investors kept piling into Turkish stocks.
I reiterated my warning that Turkey would unravel at regular intervals, for example here.
No more. Turkey is a mediocre economy at best with a poorly educated workforce, no high-tech capacity, and shrinking markets in depressed Europe and the unstable Arab world. Its future might well be as an economic tributary of China, as the "New Silk Road" extends high-speed rail lines to the Bosporus.
For the past ten years we have heard ad nauseum about the "Turkish model" of "Muslim democracy." The George W. Bush administration courted Erdogan even before he became prime minister, and Obama went out of his way to make Erdogan his principal pal in foreign policy. I have been ridiculing this notion for years, for example in this 2010 essay for Tablet.
The whole notion was flawed from top to bottom. Turkey was not in line to become an economic power of any kind: it lacked the people and skills to do anything better than medium-tech manufacturing. Its Islamists never were democrats. Worst of all, its demographics are as bad as Europe's. Ethnic Turks have a fertility rate close to 1.5 children per family, while the Kurdish minority is having 4 children per family. Within a generation half of Turkey's young men will come from families where Kurdish is the first language.
Our foreign policy establishment, Democratic and Republican, was so enamored of the notion of Muslim democracy that it mistook Erdogan's incipient dictatorship and bubble economy for the object of its desire. In June 2012, for example, David Ignatius of the Washington Post bragged that Obama's embrace of Erdogan had "paid big dividends." Said Ignatius:
As President Barack Obama was feeling his way in foreign policy during his first months in office, he decided to cultivate a friendship with Turkey's headstrong prime minister, Recep Tayyip Erdogan. Over the past year, this investment in Turkey has begun to pay some big dividends — anchoring the policy of the United States in a region that sometimes seems adrift.
Erdogan's clout was on display this week as he hosted a meeting in Istanbul of the World Economic Forum that celebrated the stability of the "Turkish model" of Muslim democracy amid the turmoil of the Arab Spring. One panel had the enraptured title "Turkey as a Source of Inspiration."
Now the hashish smoke has cleared, Erdogan's Cave of Wonders has turned back into a sandpit, and the foreign policy establishment has nothing to show for years of propitiation of this Anatolian wannabe except a headache.
Now that Turkey is coming unstuck, along with Libya, Egypt, Lebanon, Syria, and Iraq, we should conclude that the entire project of bringing stability to the Muslim world was a hookah-dream to begin with. Except for the state of Israel and a couple of Sunni monarchies that survive by dint of their oil wealth, we are witnessing the unraveling of the Middle East. The best we can do is to insulate ourselves from the spillover effect.
**David P. Goldman is Senior Fellow at the London Center for Policy Research and Associate Fellow at the Middle East Forum.
 

Erdoğan Is in Trouble
By: Efraim Inbar/BESA Center Perspectives
http://www.meforum.org/3706/erdogan-trouble
Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, the charismatic leader of the Islamist Justice and Development Party (AKP) and Prime Minister of Turkey, is embroiled in a significant graft scandal that might precipitate the end of his rule.
Erdoğan has won three consecutive national elections since 2002, serving as Turkey's Prime Minister since 2003. He was catapulted to power largely because of widespread disgust with the corruption of the old Kemalist elites. It is therefore ironic that graft may bring Erdoğan down.
AKP ascendance to a pivotal role in Turkey's political system came about as a result of several factors: rejection of discredited politicians and their blatant Kemalist secularism, an economic crisis, demographic trends bringing to the fore traditional elements in Turkish society, and the ascendance of an attractive political leader in Erdoğan.
Erdoğan's governments stabilized the economy and, for a while, demonstrated a cautious approach with regard to enhancing the role of Islam in the public sphere. This was accompanied by continuity in Turkish foreign policy: attempts to join the EU, membership in the Western alliance, and good relations with Israel.
But under Erdoğan, Turkey gradually adopted policies that amounted to a wholesale attempt to Islamize the country: putting restrictions on the sale of alcohol, enhancing the status of religious schools, encouraging the establishment of Muslim-oriented institutions of learning, and nominating Islamists to sensitive positions in the public sector.
Many Turks started complaining about growing authoritarianism at home. This was particularly felt in the Turkish media that was subject to intimidation and takeover attempts. Journalists were sent to jail under a variety of charges. The business community felt informal pressure to conform to Muslim mores. More recently, the banking system was similarly subject to infiltration by government-sponsored Islamists.
Changes were also introduced in the foreign policy area. Fueled by Islamist and Ottoman impulses, Turkey devised a so-called "Zero Problems Policy" toward its Middle Eastern neighbors. Instead of the Kemalist hands-off policy toward the Middle East, the new approach emphasized good relations with Muslim neighbors in order to attain a leading role for Turkey in the Muslim world.
As part of this attempt to gain hegemony in the Arab and Muslim worlds, Israel-bashing became an important tool of Erdoğan's foreign policy, causing deterioration in relations between Ankara and Jerusalem. This policy also reflected a Turkish distancing from the West, basically giving up the long-cherished Turkish goal of becoming part of Europe. (The Europeans are partly at fault for that). The apex of this foreign re-orientation was the September 2013 decision to purchase an air defense weapons system from China, which is clearly and blatantly at odds with Turkey's NATO membership.
The Zero Problems policy backfired as its neighbors went into turmoil and Turkish hegemonic overtures were rebuffed. The political and economic crisis called the "Arab Spring" provided an opportunity for Turkey to sell itself as a model, as a successful bridge between Islam and modernity. But the Islamist zeal emanating from Ankara could not transcend the historic ethnic enmity between Turks and Arabs.
Foreign policy failures paralleled growing domestic discontent. The events around Gezi Park in Istanbul this past summer were a spark that galvanized popular opposition. Erdoğan seemed to have lost his touch and reacted aggressively to the demonstrators. Eliciting criticism even from allies, Erdoğan had to shelve the plan to hold a referendum to make the presidency a stronger political institution for which he could run in the future.
Most important, a rift developed between the AKP and the Fetullah Gülen movement. The Gülens are seemingly modern Islamists and an important component of the AKP. They have become increasingly uncomfortable with Erdoğan's policies. For example, they were not happy with Turkey's new foreign policy, with Israeli-Turkish tensions, and with Turkish support for the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt. They also criticized Erdoğan's clumsy treatment of the Gezi Park affair.
In November, the prime minister announced that he would close down the country's private exam prep schools, or dershanes, roughly a quarter of which are run by Gülen's followers. This further estranged the Gülenists, weakening Erdoğan's domestic support. Gülen's media outlet, Zaman, the largest newspaper in Turkey, has become openly critical of Erdoğan.
The police and the judiciary, largely under the influence of Gülen, were responsible for the recent arrests of several Erdoğan's protégés under charges of corruption. The prime minister executed a major reshuffling of his cabinet in an attempt to distance itself from the corruption scandal.
Erdoğan's leadership is contested these days as never before. It is not clear yet how he and his party, the AKP, will come out of the current political crisis. The secularists in Turkey now have a chance to further erode Erdoğan's popularity. Their own standing in Turkish politics has not improved much despite Erdoğan's excesses. However, the more conservative secular elements on the Turkish political spectrum might build an alliance with the influential Gülens to remove Erdoğan.
Municipal elections scheduled for March 2014 will be the first serious test of the extent of the political damage to Erdoğan, followed by presidential elections in June. Erdoğan's authoritarian streak and strains on the economy will be issues in the campaign. It remains to be seen whether Erdoğan's attempt to blame his domestic problems on foreigners is successful.
The results of the municipal and presidential elections will not just be a popularity contest for Erdoğan, but a struggle for Turkey's soul.
Prof. Efraim Inbar, director of the Begin-Sadat Center for Strategic Studies, is a professor of political studies at Bar-Ilan University and a fellow at the Middle East Forum.

Debate: Iran nuclear deal a game changer for US-Israeli relations

By:  Kristian Coates Ulrichsen/Asharq Alawsat
Signs of a rapprochement between Iran and the United States have added a combustible new layer of disagreement to the already thorny relationship between Washington and Tel Aviv. In common with other US partners in the Middle East, Israeli leaders have long expressed concern that their regional interests might be jeopardized in any ‘grand bargain’ that the US might reach with Iran over Tehran’s nuclear program. The interim agreement reached in Geneva on November 24 has fueled Israeli suspicions that a damaging gap in strategic vision has opened up with Washington over the most important ‘red line’ issue for Tel Aviv. The result is an atmosphere of incomprehension and disappointment in Israel at the turn of events during the presidency of Barack Obama.
The Geneva interim agreement symbolizes the unprecedented tensions in the bilateral relationship that has for six decades underpinned US policy in the Middle East. Whereas Israel’s Prime Minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, denounced the deal as a “historic mistake,” US Secretary of State John Kerry directly contradicted him, stating that the agreement would make Israel and the region a safer place. Such a blunt exchange of views highlighted the polarization of views that now separates Washington and Tel Aviv and reaches to the very highest levels; President Obama himself added his support for offering Tehran some relief on sanctions in exchange for progress in the nuclear negotiations, as he has urged Congress not to vote to impose even stiffer economic measures on Iran. His comments, like Kerry’s, demonstrate the degree to which the US–Israeli relationship has, at the highest levels at least, degenerated into an acrimonious game of finger-pointing and name-calling as mutual trust between the current administrations in Washington and Tel Aviv has broken down.
Yet it is not merely Iran that has caused unprecedented friction in the strategic partnership that has for decades formed the bedrock of US policy toward the Middle East. In the weeks since the Geneva agreement was reached, Kerry has suggested that failure to reach a final-status agreement on Palestine could lead to a third intifada and more international isolation for Israel, while Israeli leaders have again involved themselves in US domestic politics a year after effectively endorsing Mitt Romney in the 2012 presidential election. Thus, Netanyahu has called upon American Jewish organisations to stand with Israel and speak out against the Geneva negotiations, underlining the gap that has opened up between his government and the present White House administration.
The relationship between the Obama and Netanyahu administrations was never good to begin with. Officials in Israel viewed the new US president’s speech in Cairo in June 2009 as dangerously naïve, and ran rings around the administration’s half-hearted first-term attempts to halt the construction of new settlements in the occupied Palestinian territories. The sudden outbreak of the Arab uprisings in February 2011 injected further stresses as officials both in Washington and Tel Aviv struggled to comprehend the meaning and magnitude of the cathartic changes sweeping the region. In this, they were certainly not alone, but the perceived US abandonment of its long-time ally, Egypt, and the subsequent rise of the Muslim Brotherhood to power in Cairo, shattered old certainties in the Middle East.
Rising concern among US allies in the Middle East is resulting in a realignment of interests in the region. Israel and the Gulf states may make unlikely bedfellows, but they share a deep suspicion of Iranian intentions and a steadfast desire to maintain the sanctions and the pressure on Tehran. A space has opened up for opportunistic leaders, such as French President François Hollande, to emphasise their credentials both in Riyadh and Tel Aviv. In addition to reassuring Israel that France would maintain a hard-line approach toward Iran at the Security Council, Hollande’s government has redoubled its arms sales, including the transfer of sensitive technologies, to the Gulf States, winning market share from American and British competitors in the process.
With President Obama weakened politically by the difficult rollout of the Affordable Care Act, any interim deal at Geneva falling short of (but buying time to negotiate) a permanent agreement with Iran would provide Obama’s critics with plenty of ammunition. In the climate of rancour that has enveloped US-Israel ties, it is likely that senior figures in the Israeli government will join with domestic critics to outflank and out-maneuver the White House, assisted indirectly by France and the Gulf States. From Palestine to Iran, the stage is set for the deepest and most serious crisis in US-Israel ties in decades, precisely because the tensions go far beyond issues of personality to encompass a fundamental difference in the calculation of regional interests.
Kristian Coates Ulrichsen, is the Baker Institute fellow for Kuwait. Previously, he worked as senior gulf analyst at the Gulf Center for Strategic Studies and as co-director of the Kuwait Program on Development, Governance and Globalization in the Gulf States at the London School of Economics (LSE). He is a visiting fellow at the LSE Middle East Centre and an associate fellow at Chatham House, UK.