LCCC ENGLISH DAILY NEWS BULLETIN
March 14/2012
Bible Quotation for today/Changed Lives
01 Peter 04/01006:
"Since Christ suffered
physically, you too must strengthen yourselves with the same way of thinking
that he had; because whoever suffers physically is no longer involved with sin.
From now on, then, you must live the rest of your earthly lives controlled by
God's will and not by human desires. You have spent enough time in the past
doing what the heathen like to do. Your lives were spent in indecency, lust,
drunkenness, orgies, drinking parties, and the disgusting worship of idols.
And now the heathen are surprised when you do not join them in the same wild and
reckless living, and so they insult you. But they will have to give an account
of themselves to God, who is ready to judge the living and the dead. That is why
the Good News was preached also to the dead, to those who had been judged in
their physical existence as everyone is judged; it was preached to them so that
in their spiritual existence they may live as God lives.
To the the Maronites in Canada: Say a big No to
Bchara Al Raei and Boycott his unwanted and evil visit .
Elias Bejjani 13.03.12/This man, Patriarch Al Raei has sided with the Axis of
evil and is boldly and openly supporting the Syrian butcher AlAssad and the
terrorist Iranian Hezbollah. You Maronite in Canada, Say No, honor your martyrs,
respect your identity, history and faith. Boycott Al Raei's visit to Canada.
Tell him that he does not represent us we the Maronites and he is not the
conscience of our great Lebanon like the 76 Maronite Patriarchs all through 1600
years. No he does not resemble us. No we do not know him and definitely he does
not know us. There is no doubt that he has negated all his clerical vows and
accordingly he must be boycotted. It is our choice either to be subservient or
free people. Just remember that the Maronites has been all through their deeply
rooted history courageous, patriotic, faithful and transparent. Do not deviate
from these solid foundations and boycott Al Raei's visit to Canada. Boycott his
visit and do not let the curse of our martyrs fall on you. SAY A BIG NO AND
BOYCOTT
Latest analysis,
editorials, studies, reports, letters & Releases from miscellaneous sources
Obama is bluffing on Iran/Shoula Romano Horing/Ynetnews/March
13/12
Can Israel’s ‘Dome’ work against Hezbollah/
By Nicholas Blanford/The Daily Star/March
13/12
Latest News Reports From Miscellaneous Sources for March 13/12
Daniel Bellemare:
News for
Shining light on Lebanon’s darkest day
Ahmadinejad dismisses Western threats against Iran
Egypt reports Gaza ceasefire. Israel: Quiet will be met
with quiet
Behind the scenes, both Israel and Hamas want an end to
latest violence
Massacre in Homs as
world watches
Response to Syrian
refugee crisis in flux
Mikati to meet with Kataeb students on history curriculum
after clashes
Hariri, Jumblatt slam West
for stance on Syria
Lebanese Army discovers
subversive cell intent on attacking military sites
Senior Syrian army officers hospitalized in Beirut: report
Lebanon indifferent to Israeli security wall: army
Jumblatt slams West's opportunism vis-a-vis Syria
Mikati confirms arrest of subversive cell in Lebanese Army
Sleiman: Democracy is
road to economic growth
Mikati confirms
arrest of subversive cell in Lebanese Army
March 12, 2012/By Hasan Lakkis/The Daily Star
BEIRUT: Prime Minister Najib Mikati confirmed Monday a report that the Lebanese
Army recently uncovered a subversive cell within its ranks that had planned to
attack military bases.
“A cell in the Lebanese Army has been uncovered. Judicial authorities have taken
care of the issue and referred the suspects to investigation. Judicial
authorities are following up on the matter,” Mikati told reporters at the Grand
Serail. “The cell exists, has subversive intentions, was active in the north. It
has nothing to do with the situation in Syria and [the group] has branches in
[Palestinian] camps [in Lebanon],” he said, adding that the cell had been
discovered two days ago. Mikati was referring to the six-member cell that had
been charged Friday with forming an armed ring with the aim of carrying out
“terrorist attacks.” Al-Akhbar published an article Monday saying the Lebanese
Army has discovered a Salafist cell in its ranks consisting of two soldiers who
had planned to carry out attacks against the army.
According to the paper, the two, part of a larger group of four Lebanese and one
Palestinian, are affiliated with the Abdullah Azzam Brigades, an affiliate of
Al-Qaeda.Military Prosecutor Saqr Saqr Friday pressed charges against the six
Lebanese suspects “for setting up an armed gang and conducting training
exercises with the aim of carrying out terrorist acts and operations against the
[Lebanese] military establishment.” Judicial sources told The Daily Star Monday
that all six suspects were members of a “fundamentalist group.” Two of the six
are Lebanese Army soldiers.
Can Israel’s ‘Dome’ work against Hezbollah?
March 13, 2012/By Nicholas Blanford /The Daily Star
BEIRUT: The escalation in rocket fire from the Gaza Strip in recent days is
presenting Israel’s Iron Dome anti-missile system with its most critical
challenge since being deployed in southern Israel a year ago.
So far, Israeli military and government officials claim that Iron Dome has
destroyed some 90 percent of the 122 mm Katyusha rockets targeted by the system
since the latest flare-up began Friday.
“The system has proven itself very well,” Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin
Netanyahu told the Israeli Cabinet Sunday. He added that the Israeli government
“will do everything in its power” to procure more batteries in the coming years.
But it remains far from certain that Iron Dome is capable of handling the mass
rocket barrages it could face in a future war with Hezbollah. Furthermore, Iron
Dome cannot reverse the strategic problem posed even by the relatively
unsophisticated Qassem and Katyusha rockets from Gaza – the disruption of normal
life in Israel.
Iron Dome is a mobile defense system designed to intercept rockets with ranges
of up to 70 kilometers and is one of a planned three-tier anti-missile defense
system employed by Israel. The other two systems are David’s Sling, which is
designed to shoot down larger caliber rockets such as the Zelzal and M600
short-range ballistic missiles believed to be in Hezbollah’s arsenal, and Arrow,
intended to intercept ballistic missiles such as Iran’s Shehab-3.
The first three Iron Dome batteries were deployed in March 2011 at Ashkelon,
Ashdod and Beersheba, towns vulnerable to rocket fire from the Gaza Strip. A
fourth battery is scheduled to be deployed in the area in the coming months
along with another five by the middle of next year.
The Iron Dome’s radar detects a rocket and calculates its projected trajectory.
If the rocket is judged to fall in an open unpopulated area, it is left alone.
But if it appears to be heading for an urban area or strategic site, an
interceptor missile is fired to destroy the rocket in the air.
Since Israel assassinated Zahir Qaisi, a leader of the Popular Resistance
Committees in Gaza Friday, some 130 rockets have been fired into Israel in
retaliation. Around a third of the 133 were targeted by Iron Dome with the
majority being successfully destroyed in the air.
Despite its apparent success in dealing with the flow of rockets from the Gaza
Strip, the value of Iron Dome remains open to question against the more
formidable threat posed by Hezbollah’s rocket arsenal.
In the month-long July 2006 war, Hezbollah fired some 4,000 rockets toward
Israel, an average rate of 125 rockets a day, four times the rate of the latest
Gaza escalation. The bulk of the rockets fired in 2006 were 122mm Katyushas and
Syrian 220mm Uragans.
Since then, Hezbollah’s rocket arsenal is believed to have increased
significantly not only in size but also variety. Iron Dome would struggle to
defeat the larger Zelzal-2s and M600 missiles, which could strike targets in Tel
Aviv and beyond. The David’s Sling system which is supposed to deal with larger
caliber rockets is not yet operational.
It can be expected that in the event of another war with Israel, Hezbollah will
attempt to overwhelm the Iron Dome system with heavy barrages of shorter-range
Katyushas and Uragans, allowing the larger Zelzals and M600s to slip through and
strike strategic targets such as military and infrastructure sites. Israel would
require a considerable number of Iron Dome batteries to cover the Lebanon front,
an expensive undertaking particularly as each nterceptor missile costs around
$52,000.
Yet the real flaw in Israel’s anti-missile systems is that they are a tactical
solution to a strategic problem. The rockets fired by Hezbollah and Palestinian
groups have always had a limited impact in terms of inflicting casualties.
One reason is that the short-range rockets fired by Hezbollah and the
Palestinians in Gaza are inherently inaccurate. More often than not the rockets
explode harmlessly in open land. In urban areas of northern Israel and around
the Gaza Strip, residents have access to public bomb shelters or protected rooms
in their homes which help reduce casualties.
Indeed, the estimated 37 Katyusha barrages between February 1992 (when Hezbollah
rocketed Israel for the first time in retaliation for the assassination of party
leader Sayyed Abbas Musawi) until the May 2000 Israeli troop withdrawal from
Lebanon, left only eight civilians in Israel dead with some 182 wounded
(one-third of them during Israel’s two-week Grapes of Wrath offensive in 1996).
The real impact of the rocket attacks was the disruption of normal life. During
times of heightened tension in south Lebanon, Israeli civilians were ordered
into bomb shelters sometimes for days at a time and life in northern Israel
ground to a halt even if no rockets were fired.
During an escalation in February 2000, when Hezbollah killed seven Israeli
soldiers in three weeks, the threat alone of Katyusha barrages crippled life in
northern Israel. Israelis were kept confined to bomb shelters for 48 hours at a
cost of $2.4 million a day in lost business, yet not one rocket was fired across
the border.
In the 2006 war, some 100,000 to 250,000 Israelis fled to the safety of areas
further south. The rest of the population in the north stayed in or close to
shelters for the duration of the conflict.
In the next war, the entire northern half of Israel where most of Israel’s
population lives potentially will be vulnerable to Hezbollah’s rockets and
guided missiles and therefore effectively on the front line for the first time
since the 1948 Arab-Israeli war. Residents of Tel Aviv could come under
sustained and accurate rocket fire, dwarfing the Iraqi Scud crisis of 1991.
Even if Iron Dome and David’s Sling (if they are operational by then) are able
to shoot down a significant number of incoming rockets, normal life for the bulk
of Israel’s population will be completely disrupted, leading to panic, mass
evacuations and population displacement.
Obama is bluffing on Iran
Shoula Romano Horing/Ynetnews
Op-ed: Israel should realize by now that US president will never attack Iran or
support Israeli attack
While Israel fears a new Holocaust from a nuclear armed Iran, President Barack
Obama seems to only be worried about a preemptive attack on Iran or the talk of
war raising oil prices and thereby harming the US economy and his re-election
campaign.
Despite his reassurances at the AIPAC conference that he “won’t hesitate to use
force to prevent Iran from obtaining a nuclear weapon,” he is in fact bluffing
to woo Jewish voters and stop an Israeli unilateral attack on Iran. Less than
two days after his AIPAC campaign speech, he already backtracked from his
commitment. When asked what he meant by his comments that “we have Israel’s
back,” the president answered that “it was not a military doctrine that we were
laying out for any particular military action.”
Israel should realize by now that Obama will never attack Iran or support an
Israeli attack before the elections because a war in the oil-rich region would
send gasoline prices even higher than they are now, exacerbating the economic
situation and hurting his chance for reelection. The price of gasoline has been
rising daily in the past month, averaging $3.79 a gallon. Since 1976, there has
been a correlation between rising oil prices and falling presidential approval
ratings in the US. Jimmy Carter lost the presidency when gas averaged $3.37 per
gallon when adjusted to the current value of the dollar.
Although Obama has been taking credit for the “crippling” sanctions against Iran
and asking the Israelis to wait a few months to allow them to take effect, he
has in fact tried to weaken the sanctions. In December 2011, the Kirk-Menendez
amendment passed by a rare 100-0 vote in the Senate directed the Administration
to take punitive measures against foreign entities that do business with Iran.
However, the Administration tried to pressure top ranking Democrats, thankfully
to no avail, to delay the implementation of the sanctions by a few months,
arguing that the amendment could raise oil prices and hurt the US economy.
Israel alone in this fight?
Moreover, Obama failed to begin enforcement of the sanctions on February 29 as
the law intended. The nightmare scenario for the president would be the
revelation, in the midst of economic recovery, would be an Iranian nuclear
breakthrough in the next eight months, forcing him to either act or back down
and then be judged by the voters. The only scenario under which Obama will
attack Iran is if he believes he has a chance of losing the election because the
economy deteriorates, unemployment rises and the chosen Republican presidential
candidate is gaining in popularity.
If re-elected, President Obama, in his second term, will not attack Iran even as
a last resort. Not needing Jewish votes or reelection and true to his ideology
of appeasement, he will re-adopt his “containment policy” of useless diplomacy,
eventually leading to a nuclear Iran. By then, the Middle East will be an
explosive powder keg, waiting for the Iranian trigger.
Israel‘s only deterrence option to stop Iran from attacking would be the threat
of retaliation through total annihilation using the Jewish state’s nuclear
weapons arsenal. Watching Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s AIPAC speech, it
seems clear that he realized after talking to Obama that Israel is alone in this
fight.
Israel’s only remaining hope is that Obama will lose the election and be
replaced by the Republicans. The only time when the extremist Iranian leadership
decided to suspend its nuclear program was 2003, after the US invaded Iraq,
because Tehran truly believed a Republican president‘s warnings that it will be
attacked next.
**Shoula Romano Horing was born and raised in Israel. She is an attorney in
Kansas City and a national speaker. Her blog: www.shoularomanohoring.com
Egypt reports Gaza ceasefire. Israel: Quiet will be met with quiet
DEBKAfile Exclusive Report March 13,
2012/A high-ranking Egyptian official reported before dawn Tuesday, March 13,
that Israel and the Palestinian organizations in Gaza, including Jihad Islami
and the Popular Resistance Committees, had agreed to a ceasefire which went into
effect at one o’clock a.m. Neither Israel nor Jihad Islami released statements
of a truce. And shortly after 0400 missile warnings sounded in Ashkelon. The
initial Egyptian statement remains to be clarified. It interprets the Israeli
position as having accepted Jihad’s condition for halting its missile barrage
and agreed to halt targeted killings of high-profile terrorists. All Israeli
defense officials affirmed in backdoor negotiations with Egyptian intelligence
officials, debkafile’s sources report, was its standard position: If the
Palestinians halt cross-border attacks from the Gaza Strip and Egyptian Sinai,
there will be no need for targeted killings. And if the Palestinians stop
shooting missiles from the Gaza Strip, the Israeli Air Force will have no reason
to strike terrorist targets.
An Egyptian delegation has reportedly arrived in Gaza to discuss with the
strip’s Hamas rulers terms for restoring fuel supplies, shortages of which have
forced them to severely ration power to the population. Cairo has kept Gaza
short in order to squeeze Hamas into pulling the military facilities and units
it deployed in northern Sinai back into the Gaza Strip.
Egyptian officials deny their delegates offered to resupply Gaza as part of the
still-shadowy ceasefire deal. It is possible, say our sources, that Cairo used
it as leverage to make Hamas to force the pro-Iranian Jihad Islami to stop
firing missiles and slow – if not abandon - its four-day offensive on Israel’s
towns and villages.
debkafile: For the Cairo-Hamas truce maneuver to work, all the parties involved
must give ground: Israel must tacitly leave Jihad with the unspoken prerogative
for deciding when Israel has violated the “deal” and responding with a fresh
missile offensive; Jihad undertake to halt its terrorist operations against
Israel from Sinai – albeit shrugging off responsibility if its networks go into
action to duplicate former attacks on Israel. Because Egypt must give up for now
its most pressing demand to recover control of northern and central Sinai from
the Hamas and Jihad Islami forces which have overrun parts of the peninsula.
It is therefore hard to see how this loose patchwork of deals – if they are
indeed finalized – can hold up for long.
debkafile reported earlier Monday, March 12:
The combined Egyptian-Israeli-Hamas effort to negotiate an early ceasefire in
the current round of Palestinian-Israeli violence struck several major obstacles
Monday, March 12: debkafile’s intelligence sources report a Cairo demand for any
truce deal to embody a Palestinian Hamas and Jihad Islami commitment to withdraw
their forces from Sinai and stop using the peninsula for terrorist operations
against Israel. Egypt’s military rulers are resolved to use this opportunity to
chase the terrorists out and restore their control over Sinai.
However, Palestinian leaders, including Hamas, are playing innocent, claiming to
the Egyptian mediator Intelligence chief Gen. Murad Muwafi that they have no
armed presence in Sinai and would never impair Egyptian sovereignty.
Four days into the Gaza violence, this impasse has brought the mediation effort
to a close.
debkafile’s military sources report that acceding to Cairo’s demand would oblige
the Palestinian terrorist organizations to dismantle the logistic, operational
and military infrastructure they have built in Sinai. Hamas has even transferred
all its weapons manufacturing, including missiles, from the Gaza Strip where it
was vulnerable to Israeli attack to safe locations in northern Sinai, along with
its training facilities.
This tactic has worked: Most of Hamas’ military facilities were out of reach of
Israeli Air Force bombings in the current round of violence because none
remained in the Gaza Strip, except for a forward position.
The Egyptian ultimatum would require Hamas to pull its military machine and
weapons production back into the Gaza Strip and Jihad Islami to evacuate its
terrorist networks which carried out a cross-border attack last August killing 8
Israelis and were preparing a follow-up.
Another obstacle on the road to a ceasefire is Egypt’s refusal to hold direct,
or even indirect, talks with Jihad Islami, Tehran’s Palestinian surrogate. Gen.
Muwafi addressed his mediation effort to Hamas, a fairly useless exercise since
it is the Jihad Islami which has been shooting the missiles.
The breakdown of negotiations, such as they were, has led Israel to escalate its
military pressure on Gaza and intensify its air strikes, in the hope of forcing
Jihad Islami to stop the missile assaults on its cities.
But for now, its leaders show no sign of being beaten into accepting a truce and
are unlikely to do so, so long as Tehran wants the violence to go on.
The Gaza confrontation is therefore evolving into a military clash between
Israel and Iran.
Hamas, finding it increasingly difficult to stay on the sidelines, called on all
Palestinian organizations Monday to unite and close ranks against “Zionist
aggression.” Hamas lined up with the Jihad sine qua non that a truce be
conditional on an Israeli guarantee to discontinue targeted killings of wanted
terror chiefs.
For now, the Hamas is still trying to pressure Egypt and Israel into coming to
terms on a ceasefire. Failure would inevitably bring Gaza’s ruling faction into
the battle against Israel.
Unless these circumstances undergo a radical shift, the million Israelis
confined to shelters have no reason to look forward to relief from the missile
attacks on their homes and schools – quite the opposite: The conflict looks like
escalating.
Shining light on Lebanon’s darkest day
By Don Butler, The Ottawa Citizen
March 9, 2012
Lebanese mourners hold up a sign saying ‘Hey Syria — Who’s next’ during funeral
procession of former Levanese prime minister Rafik al-Hariri in Beirut, February
16, 2005. Tens of thousands of Lebanese ,some chanting anti-Syria
Photograph by: JAMAL SAIDI, REUTERS
Daniel Bellemare arrives for the interview with two plainclothes RCMP officers
in tow. Given that this is Canada’s peaceable capital, the security might seem
surprising — unless you know the 60-year-old Ottawa resident has spent the past
four-and-a-half years heading up one of the world’s most perilous and incendiary
murder investigations.
Bellemare has grown accustomed to what he calls “James Bond kind of stuff.” He
had to. His life depended on it. In November 2007, following a brief flirtation
with Freedom 55, Bellemare accepted a daunting assignment: find out who killed
former Lebanese prime minister Rafik Hariri on Feb. 14, 2005, and prosecute the
assassins.
Until health concerns prompted him to step down as chief prosecutor of the
Special Tribunal for Lebanon 10 days ago, that imperative dominated his life.
It hasn’t been easy. The investigation is complex — the most complex in the
world, some say. Powerful and dangerous forces are arrayed against it. Bellemare
himself became a target, requiring massive, even oppressive, security for his
own protection. Instead of enjoying retirement together as planned, he and his
wife, Cathy, have spent most of the past few years apart.
“To tell you the truth,” Bellemare confesses in his first media interview since
returning to Ottawa at the end of February, “I didn’t really know what I was
getting into. I knew it was quite a challenge, but I had no idea of how intense,
how challenging it would be, both professionally and personally. Frankly, maybe
it was better that I didn’t know.”
Like everyone, Bellemare says, he was there by choice. It certainly wasn’t the
money. “Whatever rumours there are, there’s not that much money to be made.” Nor
was he there to advance his career. “As I kept telling people, my career is
behind me, it’s not ahead of me.
“The reason that I chose to go there is because I believed in what was being
done. Once you meet the Lebanese people, you fall in love with them. They
deserve an end to impunity. So I thought I could bring a little bit of Canadian
justice to the process.”
At first glance, Bellemare, burly and round of face, is an unlikely
personification of Canadian justice. Though he rarely grants interviews, he is
genial and down-to-earth in conversation, nibbling on toast smeared with peanut
butter as he recounts his experiences.
But there are signs of inner steel. “The first thing I told my staff when I got
there,” he says of the Hariri assignment, “was I did not come out of retirement
to be associated with a failure.”
His credentials were sterling. Among many other roles, he served 14 years as
head of the Federal Prosecution Service of Canada, the longest tenure in
Canadian history. He was responsible for all criminal prosecutions launched by
the attorney general and worked with 800 prosecutors across Canada.
Within days of his retirement in 2007, the United Nations was in touch, asking
if he’d be interested in leading the investigation into Hariri’s death and
serving as the new tribunal’s chief prosecutor.
Bellemare agreed to an interview. “It was a free trip to New York City,” he says
with a laugh. UN officials asked what he knew about the Hariri case. “Absolutely
nothing,” he told them.
“I was sure that I’d just killed my chances of getting the job,” he says. But
the UN wanted someone untainted by preconceptions. “That was just what they
wanted to hear.”
The more Bellemare learned about the case, the more intrigued he became. “When I
came back home, my wife told me, ‘Just the way you’re talking about it, you’re
hooked.’”
In the end, Bellemare got two jobs. The first was as head of the United Nations
International Independent Investigation Commission (UNIIIC), which had been
investigating Hariri’s assassination since April 2005. The second was as chief
prosecutor of the new tribunal, based in The Hague and due to begin its work on
March 1, 2009.
His UNIIIC role meant living and working in Lebanon, a nation where Hezbollah —
considered a terrorist organization by Canada — is part of the ruling government
coalition and maintains a militia more powerful than Lebanon’s army.
Hezbollah was belligerently hostile to the investigation. At one point, Sayyad
Hassan Nasrallah, Hezbollah’s leader, announced that his party would “cut off
the hand” of anyone who tried to arrest one of its members in connection with
Hariri’s assassination.
In a speech last March, Nasrallah attacked Bellemare by name. “Basically, I was
a puppet of the U.S. and of Israel,” Bellemare says. “The way the argument went
is that Israel could not defeat Lebanon militarily, so now they were trying,
through the tribunal, to defeat Lebanon.”
The accusation the tribunal was politically motivated was “so insulting,”
Bellemare says. “We were always driven by one thing: to find the truth.”
Bellemare spent his time in Lebanon in what amounted to an armed camp. UNIIIC
staff took over the Monteverde Hotel, a mountainside resort overlooking Beirut
that became both their residence and their office. The hotel was surrounded by
the Lebanese military around the clock. Residents and visitors had to pass
through four military checkpoints to gain access.
For security reasons, Bellemare rarely left the compound. “The few times that I
had to go to town,” he says, “the deployment of resources required was just
mind-boggling.” At least 85 people were mobilized to secure the route and travel
in a convoy of a dozen SUVs that “swarmed like bees” through traffic.
Bellemare would sit in the back seat, with guards wearing helmets and
bulletproof vests on either side. Soldiers armed with machine guns occupied the
front seat.
“The first time that I saw machine guns, that was really a reminder of what
you’re into,” Bellemare says. “My philosophy was that when your number is up,
your number is up. If you’re always worried about what will happen, then you
become paralysed. And if you’re paralysed, you cannot do anything.
“Of course, you don’t tempt fate. But at the end of the day, you can have a
whole army of people protecting you, and if they want to get to you, they will.”
After accepting the UN jobs, Bellemare spent a few weeks in Lebanon in late 2007
scoping out the situation. What he found must have been dispiriting.
The UNIIIC had been investigating Hariri’s death for more than two years, but
had made very little progress. Unaccountably, his predecessor, Belgian
prosecutor Serge Brammertz, wouldn’t let his staff use telecommunications
analysis — an important intelligence-gathering technique that ultimately was key
to identifying the alleged culprits — until almost the end of his term.
Bellemare is too diplomatic criticize Brammertz directly. But when asked about
the state of the investigation when he arrived, he pauses, smiles tightly and
says, “Let’s say there was a lot of work to do.”
Bellemare was dealing with a multiple murder investigation. For that, he says,
he needed experienced police officers. “So what I had to do was basically to
turn around the way the investigation was being conducted.”
He drew on his personal contacts to recruit top investigators — some retired,
some on secondment — from Canada, the United Kingdom and other countries. He
also had to work around the UN’s notoriously sclerotic bureaucracy.
“It normally takes about four months to staff a position at the UN,” he
observes. “Well, I needed the people the day before yesterday. I had to bend
every policy to get the people. I have to say that people in New York were very
supportive. They understood that we needed to do that.”
Within weeks of his arrival, the investigation suffered a blow when Wissam Eid,
a Lebanese police investigator, died in a bomb blast.
The intrepid Eid had obtained cellphone call records and, rather miraculously,
had been able to identify the interconnected cellphone networks involved in
Hariri’s assassination.
Each network consisted of a group of phones, usually registered under false
names, that had frequent contact with one another. One, dubbed the red network,
was used by the assassination team. Two phones in another group, called the
green network, were used to control and co-ordinate the attack.
Blue phones were used by the assassination team for surveillance of Hariri and
to prepare for the attack. And purple phones were used to co-ordinate a false
claim of responsibility by a fictional fundamentalist group. Moreover, Eid found
the cellphone networks all led back, in one way or another, to land lines inside
a Hezbollah-run hospital.
Eid reported his finding to his UN partners. Astonishingly, the UNIIIC officials
either buried his report, misplaced it or didn’t understand its significance. It
didn’t resurface until December 2007, and the following month, with Bellemare
now in charge of the investigation, Eid met with the commission’s telecom
experts to discuss his findings. He was, he told them, willing to help.
Eight days after his initial meeting with the UN investigators, Eid was killed
by a bomb that destroyed his vehicle.
For a time, Eid’s death had a chilling effect on the investigation, Bellemare
says. “My colleagues were working closely with him, and they felt really
targeted.” But they redid Eid’s telecom work and confirmed that it was accurate.
“It was a very, very key starting point for us.”
On March 1, 2009, Bellemare assumed his new role as chief prosecutor for the
Special Tribunal for Lebanon, based in The Hague. The shift to the Netherlands
eased security concerns, but only slightly.
Bellemare moved into an apartment with a lovely view of a beach. But tribunal
officials had spent two months fortifying it. “You could have shot a cannon at
the door,” he says. “It was steel plates all over.”
If he wanted to go for a walk, “I had to call the cavalry. You can imagine the
scene. You want to walk on the beach and you have six people around you. It’s
not an incentive to go out. You feel that you have to apply for bail every time
you want to go out.”
As the investigation continued without apparent results, pressure mounted for
indictments. “A lot of people wanted a quick indictment,” Bellemare says. “I
resisted that all along. This is not the way we have been trained. This is not
the way it should be done.”
There were even calls to pull the plug because the tribunal wasn’t getting
anywhere, Bellemare says. “The pressure we had was unbelievable. Donor countries
wanted to see results. But when you can’t discuss the investigation, you have to
tell them, trust me, it’s moving along.”
Those who complained that the work was taking too long weren’t familiar with
criminal investigations, Bellemare says. “Criminal investigation takes time. You
lay an indictment if you have the evidence to support it. And basically, there
were pieces missing.”
While investigators knew the cellphone numbers used by the Hariri conspirators,
they had to link them to individuals. That took a long time, Bellemare says.
“The work that my staff has done is fantastic, when you think that you start
from a tabula rasa. Nobody thought that we would be able to build that.”
The investigators’ work became even more difficult after there was a reference
to the communications data in a UN report, he says. “Hezbollah didn’t know at
the time that the cellphones were leaving traces. After that, the line went
dead.”
Eventually, Bellemare was satisfied that he’d gathered enough circumstantial
evidence to lay charges, though investigations continue. He submitted an
indictment for review by the tribunal’s pre-trial judge on Jan. 17, 2011. Five
days earlier, the Lebanese government, headed by Hariri’s son Saad, had
collapsed when Hezbollah, angered by Saad Hariri’s refusal to renounce the
tribunal, withdrew its support.
His successor as prime minister, Najib Mikati, was effectively chosen by
Hezbollah. But Bellemare says all Lebanese governments, including Mikati’s, have
been very supportive of the tribunal’s work. “They all want to find the truth,”
he insists.
After the pre-trial judge confirmed the indictments, Bellemare issued arrest
warrants for four Hezbollah members last summer, charging them with intentional
homicide, terrorism and conspiracy. Perhaps not surprisingly, efforts to
apprehend them have failed.
About a month ago, the tribunal’s Trial Chamber concluded that all reasonable
steps had been taken to arrest the men and decided to try them in absentia. The
Lebanon tribunal is the only international tribunal with that power.
Bellemare remains optimistic that the perpetrators will eventually be found and
brought to justice. “I never despair,” he says. “Look at the Balkans. Some of
them took 12 or 15 years before they were found.”
Even a conviction in absentia would do much to end the corrosive culture of
impunity that has dominated Lebanon for decades, Bellemare says. Because of the
tribunal’s work, he believes that has already begun to happen.
Lebanon’s history is rife with horrific terrorist attacks, such as the 1983
bombing of the Beirut barracks that killed 299 American and French servicemen.
Until now, though, no one had ever been charged with a terrorism crime.
“Now, what people want is to send a clear message: nobody’s above the law. If
you commit a crime, you will pay. This, to me, is a huge, huge step forward.”
After Eid’s killing, Bellemare went to the murder scene and spoke with Lebanon’s
military prosecutor general. The Lebanese official’s mood was grim.
“Mr. Commissioner,” he told Bellemare, “you know, professionals have done this.”
Bellemare paused. “Mr. Prosecutor General,” he replied, “we too are
professionals.” Suddenly, “it was like hope had come back. There was a big smile
on his face.”
Sadly, Bellemare won’t be there to see the process through. After giving a
speech in Ottawa last August, he spent two months in hospital with a serious
bacterial infection. Though he’s now recovering, his doctor strongly advised him
not to seek renewal of his three-year term, which expired Feb. 29.
It was hard for him to write his letter of resignation, he says. “I’m very happy
to be back and to be with my wife, but professionally, I wish I was still there.
It’s unique in a lifetime to have the privilege of serving for the UN on the
international scene.”
It’s not yet clear what lies ahead, though Bellemare would like to share some of
the experience he has gained. “We in Canada don’t have much knowledge of the
Arabic world,” he says. “There’s so much richness … the people, the culture. It
would be to everybody’s advantage to know more.”
One thing is certain. His wife has a veto over what he does next. “She’s been
very, very patient and very supportive.”
The RCMP security will continue for now, but Bellemare’s optimistic it will soon
be scaled back. “Hopefully,” he says, “in the summer, I’ll be on parole.”
dbutler@ottawacitizen.com
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