LCCC
ENGLISH DAILY NEWS BULLETIN
ِJanuary
19/2010
Bible Of The
Day
"The Good News According to Matthew
10/16-20: "Behold, I send you out as sheep in the
midst of wolves. Therefore be wise as serpents, and harmless as doves. 10:17 But
beware of men: for they will deliver you up to councils, and in their synagogues
they will scourge you. 10:18 Yes, and you will be brought before governors and
kings for my sake, for a testimony to them and to the nations. 10:19 But when
they deliver you up, don’t be anxious how or what you will say, for it will be
given you in that hour what you will say. 10:20 For it is not you who speak, but
the Spirit of your Father who speaks in you."
Latest
analysis, editorials, studies, reports, letters & Releases
from
miscellaneous
sources
A statement by STL Prosecutor
Daniel Bellemare/Now Lebanon/January
18/11
Saad Hariri's Moment of Truth/By:
Hilal Khashan/Middle East Quarterly/January
18/11
Names of Hariri killing suspects
handed to judge/By: Robert Fisk/January
18/11
Assyrian Doctor Shot in
Mosul, Iraq/AINA/January
18/11
Hezbollah: accused and free as the
wind/By: Hussein Ibish/January 18/11
Latest News Reports From Miscellaneous Sources for January 18/11
Obama: Hariri UN tribunal an 'important step' toward justice in Lebanon
Assad,
Qahwaji Discuss Role of Army in Consolidating Lebanon Security/Naharnet
Clinton: Release of
Indictment Important Step toward Ending Impunity/Naharnet
STL:
The First World Court to Try Terrorism/Naharnet
Tribunal Registrar: Trial May Start
in Sept. with or without Accused in Dock/Naharnet
Bellemare after Submitting
Indictment: While Justice May be Slow, it is Deliberate/Naharnet
First indictment filed in Lebanon's Hariri killing/Washington Post
Leaders of Syria, Turkey,
Qatar Call for S-S Mediation to Resolve Lebanon Crisis/Naharnet
Turkish, Qatari FMs in Beirut in
Bid to Defuse Crisis/Naharnet
March 14 General Secretariat Calls
on Supporters to Tackle Current Phase with Utmost Levels of Commitment/Naharnet
Sfeir's decision to resign draws mixed
reactions from Lebanese leaders/Zawya
Israeli
Attack on Hizbullah Likely to Bring War with Syria, Israeli Official/Naharnet
Schools
Shut in Beirut amid Fears of Violence following Street Gatherings/Naharnet
Nicola: This Morning's
Developments Were Spontaneous Youth Gatherings/Naharnet
Hezbollah, FPM members surround
Ogero official’s office/Now Lebanon
March 14 General
Secretariat Calls on Supporters to Tackle Current Phase with Utmost Levels of
Commitment/Naharnet
Hizbullah: U.S. Pushed
Indictment to Thwart Efforts to Solve Crisis/Naharnet
Iran's Salehi Discusses
Lebanon Crisis with Turkish Officials/Naharnet
Wanted Man Injured after
Clashing with Army in Tripoli/Naharnet
Berri: Hariri Erred in Not
Announcing Commitment to Terms of S-S Deal/Naharnet
Arab League Keen on
Lebanon Unity, Calls for Intense Inter-Arab Coordination/Naharnet
Hariri Delegates Safadi to
Represent Lebanon at Arab Economic Summit/Naharnet
Cairo: Choice between
Justice and Stability a 'Corrupt Equation'/Naharnet
Report: Israel to Protect
Army Equipment from Hizbullah Missiles in Mountain Bunkers/Naharnet
Ban on Filing of
Indictment: Pursuit to End Impunity for Terrible Crimes/Naharnet
Riyadh Warns Lebanese
against Dangers of Strife/Naharnet
Obama Welcomes STL
Indictment, Calls for Calm/Naharnet
Al-Jadid Airs Hariri
Testimony to UN Investigator/Naharnet
Karam's Trial Postponed to February
22/Naharnet
Iran blocks fuel for Afghanistan as
tit for tat for Stuxnet/DEBKAfile Exclusive
A statement by STL
Prosecutor Daniel Bellemare
January 18, 2011
The following is a transcript of the video statement STL Prosecutor Daniel
Bellemare gave on January 18, a day after he handed the indictment to Pre-Trial
Judge Daniel Fransen.
Yesterday I signed an indictment in the Hariri case and filed it with the
registrar for transmission to the pre-trial judge.
In doing so, I have made good on the first part of my promise to the people of
Lebanon when I left Beirut on 28 February 2009. At that time, I said that “My
team and I will do everything that is humanly and legally possible to ensure
that the truth emerges and that those responsible for the crimes that fall
within our jurisdiction are… brought to justice.”
This is an important moment for the people of Lebanon.
It marks the launch of the judicial phase of the Tribunal’s work. For the first
time, a legal case has been launched by an international tribunal against those
responsible for a political assassination in Lebanon. This step has been taken
at the request and on behalf of the people of Lebanon and in fulfillment of a
mandate from the United Nations Security Council.
This is also an important moment for the international community – and for those
who believe in international justice.
It has been a long process, but you have been patient. Thank you.
To all the victims, a special word of thanks.
Many attacks have been made against the tribunal, but you were not shaken; you
kept your hope alive, you continued to believe in the tribunal, its independence
and professionalism. Thank you. I know some of you think this has taken a long
time. Yet for others, the filing of an indictment comes too soon. Let me address
these two issues.
To the first, I would say that justice cannot be rushed. The evidence must be
credible and compelling. I have made it clear from the start that I would act
independently and that I would be driven by the evidence alone.
To those who did not expect or want this day to come, I would say that while
justice may be slow, it is deliberate.
I am enormously proud of the persistence and professionalism of my staff and
grateful to them. They are all passionate about this case. I thank them for
their dedication to the task, their commitment to justice for Lebanon and their
sense of duty.
I also want to thank the Lebanese authorities for their support and ongoing
assistance. It has been essential.
The indictment filed yesterday represents the fruit of the hard work, under
challenging circumstances, of all those involved in the process.
This is only a first step in our collective quest to end impunity in Lebanon; a
quest that must be pursued through existing laws and institutions.
It is now up to the pre-trial judge to review the indictment and the supporting
material that we have gathered.
Confidentiality
Let me now turn to the confidentiality of the process. As frustrating as it may
be, the content of the indictment must remain confidential for the time being.
So, unfortunately, you will have to wait a little bit longer.
According to the rules of the tribunal, I cannot reveal either the charges or
the name of the person or persons referred to in the indictment.
This continued confidentiality is essential, as I cannot presume that the
pre-trial judge will confirm the indictment.
If it is confirmed, the content of the document will be made public in due
course and when so ordered by the pre-trial judge.
Many of your questions will be answered at that time. As the trial process
unfolds, you will have the opportunity to satisfy yourselves as to the strength
of the evidence that we have gathered.
In the meantime, any speculation about the contents of the indictment would be
counter-productive, as the pre-trial judge may not agree with me.
Public Hearing
To assist him in his review, the pre-trial judge may submit to the Appeals
Chamber preliminary legal questions necessary to review and rule on the
indictment. The Appeals Chamber may then order a public hearing, which will be
limited to questions of law.
It will not deal with any of the facts contained in the indictment, the identity
of any of the persons or any of the charges contained in that document.
Presumption of Innocence
This indictment is not only a first step on the road to ending impunity in
Lebanon; it is also the first step of the judicial process.
Any person or persons named in the indictment are presumed innocent.
And even after the indictment is confirmed by the pre-trial judge – if it is –
the person or persons whose identity is contained in the document are still
presumed innocent. This means that the prosecution will have to prove before a
trial court, and beyond a reasonable doubt, that they are guilty. If there is a
reasonable doubt, the accused will be acquitted.
Any accused has the right to defend himself vigorously against the allegations
contained in an indictment. The Office of the Defense has been created to assist
the accused and their counsel in ensuring that the best possible defense is
offered.
Conclusion
In conclusion, our work is far from over.
I can assure you that we will continue our mission with the same level of
passion and commitment, respecting fully the rights of the victims and the
accused.
Thank you.
Obama:
Hariri UN tribunal an 'important step' toward justice in Lebanon
By Natasha Mozgovaya and Reuters
U.S. President Barack Obama on Monday welcomed the filing of an indictment over
the killing of former Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik al-Hariri and said the
UN-backed tribunal for Lebanon must be allowed to continue its work.
"This action represents an important step toward ending the era of impunity for
murder in Lebanon, and achieving justice for the Lebanese people," Obama said in
a written statement.
The prosecutor of the U.N.-backed tribunal issued on Monday a draft indictment
over the 2005 killing of Hariri, and 22 others, a long-anticipated move that has
touched off a Lebanese political crisis.
Last week, Hezbollah and its allies toppled the government of Saad Hariri, the
slain man's son, and the group said it would not back Hariri for another term.
The escalation in political tension has alarmed regional leaders, who met in
Syria on Monday to try to overcome the deadlock and prevent it from turning
violent.
"I know that this is a significant and emotional time for the Lebanese people,
and we join the international community in calling on all Lebanese leaders and
factions to preserve calm and exercise restraint," Obama said.
Obama said the Special Tribunal for Lebanon must be allowed to work, without
interference and coercion. He called efforts to "manufacture a crisis" a "false
choice," and said efforts to undermine the tribunal show that its opponents have
something to hide.
"Any attempt to fuel tensions and instability, in Lebanon or in the region, will
only undermine the very freedom and aspirations that the Lebanese people seek
and that so many nations support," Obama said. Deep divisions among Lebanese
parties and their regional backers reflect violent religious, ethnic and
political rivalries running through the Middle East and beyond, giving leaders
from Washington to Tehran a role in Beirut's crisis. The contents of the draft
indictment, to be reviewed by pre-trial judge Daniel Fransen, were not revealed.
Details may not emerge for another six to 10 weeks, when Fransen is expected to
decide whether there is enough evidence to proceed with a trial.
Lebanese officials and Western diplomats have said they expected the court to
accuse members of Hezbollah of involvement in the assassination. Hezbollah
denies any such role and has described the tribunal as "Israeli tool." The
United States, a "strong friend of Lebanon," stands with other countries in
support of Lebanon's sovereignty, independence and stability, Obama said. "At
this critical moment, all friends of Lebanon must stand with the people of
Lebanon," he said. Also commenting on the occasion of the indictment's filing,
U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton said she was "confident that the
Tribunal will continue to operate according to the highest standards of judicial
independence and integrity."
"We call on all parties to promote calm and continue to respect the Tribunal as
it carries out its duties in a professional and apolitical manner," Clinton
added, saying that the "United States and all friends of Lebanon stand together
in support of its sovereignty and independence." "While great progress has been
made since this deadly attack in 2005, it will be impossible to achieve the
peace and stability that the people of Lebanon deserve unless and until the era
of impunity for political assassinations in Lebanon is brought to an end," the
secretary of state added.
Lebanon indictment will end
“era of impunity” for murder: Obama
DPA /The filing of an indictment by the special United Nation prosecutor in
Lebanon represented “an important step toward ending the era of impunity for
murder in Lebanon,” United States President Barack Obama said Monday.
In a statement, Mr. Obama also said the Special Tribunal for Lebanon must be
allowed to continue its work “free from interference and coercion,” charging
that opponents of the probe were manufacturing a crisis, but did not single out
the militant Shiite movement Hezbollah, which has denounced the tribunal. He
said efforts to undercut the tribunal “only legitimise its efforts and suggest
its opponents have something to hide.” The tribunal has been investigating the
bombing death of former Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri in 2005. Details of
the indictment were not expected to be released for another month, according to
a spokesman of recently toppled premier Saad Hariri’s alliance, Fares Soyeid.
Lebanon has been bracing for weeks for the filing of the indictment, which has
provoked a political crisis as the Shiite movement Hezbollah withdrew from the
government of Saad Hariri, son of the assassinated leader. Hezbollah is angry
amidst speculation that its members would be targeted in the indictment, and
withdrew from the government after Mr. Hariri refused to comply with demands
that he disregard the findings of the tribunal.
Without naming Hezbollah, Mr. Obama charged that “those who have tried to
manufacture a crisis and force a choice between justice or stability in Lebanon
are offering a false choice, as the Lebanese people have a right to both justice
and stability.” Mr. Obama said that attempts to fuel instability in Lebanon or
the region only “undermine the very freedom and aspirations that the Lebanese
people seek and that so many nations support.” “At this critical moment, all
friends of Lebanon must stand with the people of Lebanon,” Mr. Obama said. Mr.
Obama appealed to all factions in Lebanon for calm and restraint.
Assad,
Qahwaji Discuss Role of Army in Consolidating Lebanon Security
Naharnet/Syrian President Bashar Assad discussed with Army chief Gen. Jean
Qahwaji the role of the Lebanese army in consolidating security and stability in
Lebanon, Syria's state-run news agency, SANA, reported Tuesday. Assad and
Qahwaji also discussed during their meeting in Damascus ties between the Syrian
and Lebanese militaries. On Monday, Qahwaji assured UNIFIL commander Maj. Gen.
Alberto Asarta that current circumstances should not affect the situation in
south Lebanon. "Whatever the circumstances Lebanon is going through, they should
not affect the internal situation in the south or UNIFIL's area of operations,"
Qahwaji told Asarta during a meeting at his office in Yarze. Beirut, 18 Jan 11,
14:51
Cairo: Choice between Justice and Stability a 'Corrupt Equation'
Naharnet/Egypt has reiterated that it was keen on Lebanon's stability and the
importance of keeping the country away from foreign interference. "Egypt is
always keen on the stability and sovereignty of Lebanon and justice," said
Foreign Ministry spokesman Hussam Zaki. "The Lebanese themselves should solve
their problems … meaning it's important to keep foreign hands off them." Cairo
is closely following proposals to form contact groups to solve the Lebanese
crisis, he said, adding that "such ideas should be clear and should have clear
missions so that they achieve their objectives.""Or else it would be an
interference in Lebanese internal affairs, a move that Egypt dislikes," the
spokesman said. He called a proposal for choosing between justice in ex-Premier
Rafik Hariri's assassination case and stability a "corrupt equation." "Both
justice and stability are wanted and it is totally rejected to target
stability," Zaki said.
Beirut, 18 Jan 11
Bellemare after Submitting Indictment: While Justice May be Slow, it is
Deliberate
Naharnet/The prosecutor of the Special Tribunal for Lebanon warned Tuesday
against speculation on the indictment and stressed that "while justice may be
slow, it is deliberate."
Prosecutor Daniel Bellemare filed the indictment for the 2005 murder of
ex-premier Rafik Hariri on Monday. He said Tuesday that the document has to
remain secret for now.
"Any speculation about the contents of the indictment would be
counter-productive," Bellemare said in a video statement. "Confidentiality is
essential as I cannot presume that the pre-trial judge will confirm the
indictment. If it is confirmed, the content of the document will be made public
in due course." But speculation was rife that it names Hizbullah members in
connection with the massive car bombing that killed Hariri and 22 others on the
Beirut seafront in February 2005. According to its rules of procedure, the
indictment will next be reviewed by pre-trial judge Daniel Fransen, who must
confirm the charges before any arrest warrant or summons to appear can be
issued. "Even if the indictment is confirmed by the pre-trial judge, the person
or persons whose identity is contained in the document are still presumed
innocent," Bellemare said Tuesday. The indictment marks the launch of the
judicial phase of the tribunal's work and "represents the fruit of the hard work
under challenging circumstances," he said. Bellemare hailed the move as a
landmark in efforts to end impunity for political slayings in the country and
said the confidential indictment is important "for the international community
and for those who believe in international justice." He said he had made good on
a promise to the people of Lebanon to do "everything that is humanly and legally
possible" to bring the assassins to justice. Addressing "those who did not
expect or want this day to come," the prosecutor said: "I would say that while
justice may be slow, it is deliberate." Bellemare also thanked Lebanese
authorities for their support. "It has been essential." Beirut, 18 Jan 11, 11:59
Turkish, Qatari FMs in Beirut in Bid to Defuse Crisis
Naharnet/Qatar's Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs Sheikh Hamad bin
Jassem al-Thani and Turkish Foreign Minister Ahmet Davutoglu arrived in Beirut
Tuesday for talks with Lebanon's top leaders on a possible solution to the
political crisis in the country. The two diplomats kicked off talks by meeting
President Michel Suleiman at the Baabda Palace. They did not make any statements
after the meeting. Sheikh Hamad and Davutoglu then headed to Ain al-Tineh for
talks with Speaker Nabih Berri. They will meet next with caretaker Prime
Minister Saad Hariri. The Qatari and Turkish officials arrived from Damascus
where they had held talks with Syrian officials on the crisis. An-Nahar
newspaper has reported that Sheikh Hamad and Davutoglu will also meet senior
Hizbullah officials. Turkey, meanwhile, said the two will also meet other
prominent Lebanese politicians during their Lebanon visit. Both FMs participated
in a meeting on the Lebanon crisis in Damascus on Monday, where the leaders of
Syria, Turkey and Qatar agreed to back mediation efforts by Syria and Saudi
Arabia, the SANA news agency reported. Hariri's government collapsed last
Wednesday when Hizbullah and its allies withdrew in anticipation of being
indicted for the 2005 assassination of ex-PM Rafik Hariri. The prosecutor of the
Special Tribunal for Lebanon Daniel Bellemare on Monday also submitted a
confidential indictment against suspects in the assassination to STL Pre-Trial
judge Daniel Fransen. Beirut, 18 Jan 11, 17:27
Schools Shut in Beirut amid Fears of Violence following Street Gatherings
Naharnet/Schools shut down in several Beirut neighborhoods Tuesday for fear of
violence following early morning street gatherings by Opposition supporters.
The gatherings came a day after Special Tribunal for Lebanon Prosecutor Daniel
Bellemare announced he has submitted a confidential indictment into the
assassination of former PM Rafik Hariri. A security source told Naharnet the
gatherings -- which took place in the predominantly Hizbullah and AMAL
neighborhoods of Basta, Nweiri, Beshara Khoury, Zoqaq Blat, Salim Salam,
Tayyouneh and Ouzai – began disbanding around 8:00am. Lebanese troops sent
reinforcements and were seen patrolling the streets. AMAL MP Ali Khreiss said
reports about street gatherings are not true. "There is no decision to take
street action despite the size of the conspiracy," he told the Voice of Lebanon
radio station. "The gatherings this morning may signal preparations to mobilize
in relation to the indictments handed down," a security official said. Education
Minister Hassan Mneimneh issued a statement at mid-morning urging parents to
bring their children back to school and saying that classes would resume
normally. He said the situation in Beirut had "returned to normal" by late
morning and that "tomorrow will be a normal school day." Associated Press
reporters saw at least four gatherings of up to 30 people each, dressed in black
and carrying hand-held radios. One gathering was about 400 meters from the Grand
Serail, the seat of government in downtown Beirut, and security officials closed
the roads leading to the building. Lebanese security officials confirmed the
gatherings, which appeared to be a show of force in the hours after a
long-awaited indictment was released Monday evening in the death of former Prime
Minister Rafik Hariri. The indictment was sealed and its contents will likely
not become public for weeks. But the court is widely expected to accuse members
of Hizbullah of being involved in the killing, something the Shiite militant
group has insisted it will not accept. Ghaleb Abu Zeinab, a member of
Hizbullah's political bureau, said he is not aware of such gatherings. "I cannot
comment," he said. The indictment, confirmed by the international court's
headquarters in The Hague, is the latest turn in a deepening political crisis in
Lebanon, where Hizbullah toppled the government last week in a dispute over the
tribunal. Hizbullah fiercely denies any role in the killing and says the
tribunal, jointly funded by U.N. member states and Lebanon, is a conspiracy by
Israel and the United States.(Naharnet-AP-AFP) Beirut, 18 Jan 11,
Hezbollah, FPM members surround Ogero official’s office
January 18, 2011 /Future News television reported on Tuesday that Hezbollah and
Free Patriotic Movement supporters as well as Telecommunications Minister
Charbel Nahhas’ bodyguards surrounded the office of Ogero General Manager Abd
al-Minam Youssef. OTV, however, reported that Youssef was in a meeting when the
station headed to his office to meet with him. -NOW Lebanon
Hezbollah: accused and free as the wind
Hussein Ibish, January 18, 2011
Now Lebanon/
Despite the understandable anxiety about the collapse of the Lebanese
government—and the reaction of Hezbollah to the increasing likelihood that some
of its operatives may be indicted by the Special Tribunal for Lebanon
investigating the assassination of former Prime Minister Rafik Hariri—the most
probable scenario is that, for now, things in Lebanon will stay much as they
have been.
For months Hezbollah leaders have been doing their best to muddy the waters,
raise doubts and make sure that anyone who wants to be skeptical about whatever
the tribunal ends up saying can present at least some arguments, however
fatuous. However, the Lebanese situation boils down to an uneasy stability of
unstable elements, and that’s not likely to change because of a tribunal report.
The idea that any senior Hezbollah figure would be arrested by any forces
presently on the ground anywhere in Lebanon is implausible to say the least.
Hezbollah’s withdrawal from, and collapsing of, the government because the
cabinet would not repudiate the tribunal is an implicit admission that the
likely contents of the report could be extremely problematic. If the accusations
are as damning as anticipated, Hezbollah will probably suffer a similar set of
challenges that Israel faced from the Goldstone Report into the Gaza war. What
Hezbollah can look forward to, then, is an extremely embarrassing set of
accusations that are difficult to refute; potential legal difficulties for some
of its operatives, especially when traveling abroad; a very powerful political
cudgel with which it can be beaten and berated by its opponents; and a
generalized embarrassment which will discredit and weaken it.
However, just as no senior Israeli has been arrested or indicted due to the
Goldstone Report, it’s very difficult to imagine anyone significant to Hezbollah
being brought before the tribunal in The Hague, a Lebanese court or to any other
court. Similarly, the indictment of Sudanese President Omar Bachir, formally
charged with war crimes, has proven to be embarrassing words on paper, but
little more.
The Lebanese political equilibrium, which is largely based on a very weak
centralized government and strong local control by regional and sectarian
interests, is not going to be restructured by the Special Tribunal indictments,
when they are confirmed. Whatever they say is likely to result in a good deal of
shouting, but not much shooting. The real question is the role of outside
forces. It’s probably not an exaggeration to suggest that almost all major
Lebanese political factions operate at two separate registers simultaneously. On
the one hand, they serve their constituencies’ interests within the Lebanese
power structure, and provide services, protection and other essential,
quasi-governmental functions within their given areas. On the other hand,
virtually all of them are allied with or beholden to foreign powers that have
greater or lesser degrees of influence depending on the amount of political,
material and financial support they provide. Most recently, Lebanon has been the
subject of a Saudi-Syrian rapprochement that was initially welcomed but has
become increasingly uncomfortable for Iran and its Hezbollah clients. The demand
that the Lebanese government cease all cooperation with the tribunal is, at
least in part, a reaction to increasing unease with the way this rapprochement
is functioning from Iran’s and Hezbollah’s perspective. Hezbollah may be calling
the Syrian bluff to force it to choose between its alliance with Iran and its
rapprochement over Lebanon with Saudi Arabia, since this new combined hegemony
was doing nothing to stop the tribunal from going forward. What all of this
underscores is the extent to which it is foreign actors that really have both
the ability and potential interest in disrupting Lebanon’s oddly stable
equilibrium of volatile, incompatible and fundamentally unstable elements.
None of the major forces inside Lebanon, for their own purposes, would find it
advantageous at present to launch a major conflict. Everyone has their fiefdoms,
and the equilibrium of forces means that no one can be confident of ultimate
success. Even Hezbollah must be aware that historically whenever any power,
internal or external, attempts to assert its primacy throughout Lebanon, it
tends to face a united front of all other actors and eventually finds itself
forced to retreat to its natural base. There also does not appear to be any
obvious reason under present circumstances for foreign powers, including Iran or
Israel, to seek to initiate another large-scale conflict in Lebanon, although
either might at some future date seek to use it as the site of a proxy war,
perhaps the prelude to a more direct confrontation. For all their enmity, Israel
and Hezbollah have shared some interestingly parallel experiences in recent
years, including their mutually futile and damaging war in 2006 that was
inconclusive, and from which neither has fully recovered. If the Special
Tribunal report is as damaging to Hezbollah as many anticipate, they will share
yet another similar experience, as its consequences are likely to bear more
resemblance to Israel’s experience with the Goldstone Report than to anything
else in recent memory.
**Hussein Ibish is a senior fellow at the American Task Force on Palestine and
blogs at www.Ibishblog.com.
Assyrian Doctor Shot in Mosul, Iraq
1-17-2011 /Assyrian International News Agency
Baghdad -- Another targeted attack against Christians in Iraq. On the afternoon
of 15 January a group of unidentified criminals entered the Rabi'a hospital, a
private clinic in the Sukar district in Mosul and shot a Christian doctor who
worked there at point blank range. The gun had a silencer, and the doctor was
fortunately only seriously wounded. Nuyia Youssif Nuyia is a specialist
cardiologist, very well known in the region. He was the private physician of the
late Msgr. Faraj Rahho and many priests and religious. Formerly a military
doctor and professor at the Faculty of Medicine, University of Mosul, Nuyia is
married with four children. Those who know him said that Nyuia is a Chaldean
Catholic, very attached to his faith and his Church. Those responsible for the
incident remain unknown for now. Meanwhile, the Christian community in Iraq has
again denounced Western indifference to their plight, despite the Dec. 31
massacre of Copts in Alexandria and the cathedral in Baghdad: "The West can not
do anything for Christian, because the West denies its Christian roots and is
indifferent to all religions. And another thing that the West does not
understand is that in these Muslim countries 'democracy' means 'chaos'. "
Meanwhile, this weekend in Copenhagen, Denmark Iraq's Christian and Muslim
religious leaders met in closed session, in complete secrecy security reasons,
in an attempt to try to counter the sectarian violence that has rocked the
Christian community . But there's even greater anticipation for the announcement
of a similar meeting in Najaf in southern Iraq. Asia News Copyright (C) 2011,
Assyrian International News Agency. All Rights Reserved. Terms of Use.
Names of Hariri killing suspects handed to judge
Robert Fisk on the latest twist of an inquiry into the assassination of
Lebanon's premier
Tuesday, 18 January/Independent
http://www.independent.co.uk/opinion/commentators/fisk/names-of-hariri-killing-suspects-handed-to-judge-2186991.html
A deeply embarrassing tape of Saad Hariri, the outgoing Lebanese Prime Minister,
blaming the Syrians for his father's murder, a threat by Hezbollah's allies to
indict Mr Hariri for corruption, and continued fear – on the part of just about
everyone – that the UN tribunal have named Hezbollah members for Rafiq Hariri's
2005 assassination, has turned Lebanon's political crisis into a nightmare. But,
this being Lebanon, there are enough elements of sheer farce to suggest that
local television stations, just about every Lebanese politician, Iran and
America and Israel and Syria – not to mention a lot of the world's media – have
been lying through their teeth and could provoke a purposeless bloodbath.
For months now, foreign journalists and Lebanese politicians have been warning
that the UN tribunal will "imminently" indict several named members of Hezbollah
for the murder of the elder Hariri, himself a former prime minister.
In fact, the tribunal's prosecutor has submitted his indictment for legal review
to pre-trial Judge Daniel Franson. But Mr Franson can disagree with the
indictment or merely delay it or even – so it seems – accept the indictment
without revealing who it blames.
The contents of this document were first "revealed" by Der Spiegel, which often
takes stories from Israeli sources, and is now being publicised by The Wall
Street Journal – which also often takes news from Israeli sources – after an
Israeli newspaper named one of the accused as a relative of murdered former
pro-Iranian Hezbollah intelligence officer Imad Mughniyeh. And Hezbollah is
very, very unhappy. It claims that the arrest of a score of Lebanese mobile
phone company officials proves that Israel tampered with phone records on the
day of Rafiq Hariri's murder – on St Valentine's Day, 2005 – and that four
"false witnesses" who perjured themselves to the UN should be themselves
arrested.
Evidence given by these four was used to imprison four Lebanese security
generals for four years without trial – the UN, with much embarrassment, was
forced to release them – and now the Lebanese New TV station has come out with a
recording of Saad Hariri, talking with Muhamed Zuhair Siddiq, one of the
so-called "false witnesses", and a UN official. On the tape, Mr Hariri can be
heard to say that "we are all convinced that it was the Syrians who did the
assassination" [of Rafiq Hariri], to which Mr Siddiq is heard to reply: "If you
want to say this, you must start by responding to those who told these lies,
especially those among the Arab states..."
In a grovelling response, Mr Hariri, who is still officially Lebanese Prime
Minister, has explained that his remarks were taken out of context, that the
tape must involve the security services, and that he spoke "several years ago
during known political circumstances".
The tape was made in 2005, and Mr Hariri has now also expressed "personal
apologies to all the friends mentioned in the conversations". This presumably
includes the Syrian leadership with whom Mr Hariri has now restored personal
relations. To make matters worse, ex-general Michel Aoun, a weird Christian
supporter of Hezbollah's secretary general Hassan Nasrallah, has said that Mr
Hariri should be "deprived of his civic rights" for "massive corruption" – in
other words, sent to prison – and so should all his fellow MPs from the majority
March 14 Movement if they continue to associate with him.
You don't have to follow every nuance of this truly Lebanese theatre – and many
Lebanese can't – to realise that a lot of people are talking a lot of nonsense –
not least US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, who is still insisting that the
UN tribunal be "respected", even though most Lebanese are running a mile from
it. But Hezbollah brought the government down by withdrawing from the cabinet
and Mr Nasrallah is obviously worried – why else would he call anyone a
"traitor" for co-operation with the UN – and a number of "false witnesses" are
even more worried.
And the UN, of course, looks like a jackass. Presumably someone knows who killed
Rafiq Hariri. An awful lot of Lebanese are breathless, however, not to find out.
Saad Hariri's Moment of Truth
By: Hilal Khashan
Middle East Quarterly
Winter 2011, pp. 65-71
http://www.meforum.org/2820/saad-hariri-moment-of-truth
Recent developments in Lebanon have shown that the preconditions for restoring
its sovereignty have not yet materialized. The demise of the "Cedar Revolution"
and the fragmentation of the "March 14 Coalition" have set the country back to
the era of Syrian domination. The crisis associated with the assassination of
former prime minister Rafiq Hariri and the formation of the Special Tribunal for
Lebanon (STL) afford yet another stark demonstration that the country remains a
victim of regional encroachment and that the loyalties of its leaders remain as
sectarian as ever.
Tragedy and Hope
Saudi Arabia's King Abdullah, right, meets with Syrian president Bashar al-Assad
at al-Shaab palace in Damascus, October 7, 2009. Against the backdrop of
heightened regional tensions, Assad made a bid to reclaim his country's regional
standing by repairing relations with Saudi Arabia—severely damaged following the
Hariri assassination.
The assassination of Hariri in a powerful explosion on February 14, 2005,
shocked and saddened many Lebanese, especially Sunnis, who experienced a sense
of deep personal loss. Outside Lebanon, Arab and world leaders expressed
exasperation at the untimely death of a self-made towering political figure.
Beirut's Martyrs' Square, where Hariri was buried outside the adjacent al-Amin
mosque, became a rallying spot for the former prime minister's mourners and
others who wanted to voice their dismay at Syria's 29-year-old military presence
in Lebanon. The daily rallies, mostly by supporters of the Future Trend, the
Lebanese Forces, and the Phalangist Party, soon gave rise to what became known
as the Cedar Revolution. Domestic pressure ensued for the implementation of U.N.
Security Council resolution 1559 of September 2004, which, among other things,
called for the withdrawal of all foreign troops from Lebanon.[1] Coupled with
widespread accusations of Damascus's role in the assassination—mainly emanating
from Syrian president Bashar al-Assad's distrust of Hariri's Saudi and Western
connections and Hariri's displeasure with the Syrian push to give then-president
Emile Lahoud another term in office—the politically inexperienced Assad
panicked.
Syria Makes an Unceremonious Exit
The pro-Syrian Lebanese government of Omar Karami promptly submitted its
resignation[2] and was replaced on April 19, 2005, by an interim national unity
government tasked with overseeing national elections within a month. Three weeks
after Hariri's assassination, Assad succumbed to the pressures coming from
Lebanon and the West and announced his intention to withdraw the 16,000 Syrian
troops from Lebanon by the end of April.
On March 8, Hezbollah orchestrated a pro-Syrian rally in downtown Beirut that
attracted about 700,000 supporters, and the broad anti-Syrian coalition
responded six days later with a million-plus-strong rally in the same area.
These major shows of force yielded two polar political formations, the
anti-Syrian majority "March 14 Coalition" and the pro-Syrian "March 8
Coalition." As the former group took the initiative and pursued a pugnacious
anti-Syrian stance, its rival contented itself with maintaining a low profile
while at the same time recounting "Syrian sacrifices in Lebanon."[3] Anti-Assad
Sunnis and Maronites lashed out in anger at hapless Syrian laborers in the
country. Many of them became "victims of crimes, including beatings, robberies,
the setting on fire of tents where they live[d], and even killings."[4]
Leaders of the March 14 Coalition, especially the Lebanese Druze leader, Walid
Jumblatt, and Saad Hariri, Rafiq Hariri's son, mounted a scathing defamation
campaign against the Syrian regime in general and President Assad in particular.
Naming Assad "the Damascus tyrant," Jumblatt said: "This boy is controlling
people's lives in Damascus and killing free people in Lebanon. … If the tribunal
is hampered, we will all be a Nawaf [a Druze who assassinated former Syrian
president Adib Shishakli in 1964]."[5] In one of his numerous attacks on the
Syrian regime, Hariri accused Assad of smuggling Islamic extremists into Lebanon
"in order to spread chaos and commit terrorist acts that target army officers
and civilians."[6] Addressing the Syrian people, Hariri said, "Your truthfulness
and brotherly love for us contrast the regime's cunning tactics and
deception."[7] He described Qasr al-Muhajerin (Assad's presidential palace) as
Qasr al-Mutajerin (merchandisers' palace).[8]
Special Tribunal for Lebanon
The Hariri assassination generated a political upheaval that jolted the Sunni
community and seriously undermined the 1989 Ta'if agreement, which had ended
Lebanon's 15-year civil war. Since perpetrators of political crimes in Lebanon
had rarely been brought to justice owing to the country's weak and inefficient
judicial and law enforcement systems, the Karami cabinet succumbed to heavy
public pressure, led by the Hariri family, and agreed to involve the United
Nations in investigating those who planned, financed, and executed the
assassination. A U.N. fact-finding mission arrived in Lebanon for background
inquiries, and on April 7, 2005, the Security Council formed the United Nations
International Independent Investigation Commission (UNIIIC) to probe the
assassination of the former prime minister.[9]
U.N. investigator Detlev Mehlis's preliminary report in October 2005 provided
evidence that implicated ranking Syrian and Lebanese officials in the
assassination.[10] Two months later, his follow-up report shed additional light
on the possible perpetrators of the crime, based on interrogation of new
witnesses, investigation of the explosion scene, intercepted telephone
conversations, and Lebanese Internal Security Forces records.[11] Immediately
after the publication of the second report, the Lebanese government requested
U.N. assistance in establishing "a tribunal of an international character to
prosecute the alleged perpetrators."[12] On May 30, 2007, the Security Council
passed Resolution 1757 to set up a Special Tribunal for Lebanon under the
mandatory chapter VII,[13] after the divided Lebanese government had failed to
sign the agreement and statute for the tribunal. Syrian leaders considered the
STL a violation of the country's sovereignty, and Hezbollah condemned it as a
Zionist conspiracy.[14]
The Ascendancy of Iran and its Arab Proxies
Meanwhile, the U.S.-led wars in Afghanistan (2001) and Iraq (2003) rid
Hezbollah's creator and onetime patron—the Islamic Republic of Iran—of its two
sworn enemies, the Taliban in the east and Saddam Hussein in the west. The
ensuing quagmire in both countries effectively ended Iran's containment,
allowing Tehran to wield paramount power in Iraq, especially among the ruling
Shiite majority, and to establish an important foothold in Afghanistan,
particularly in non-Pashtun areas. The indecisive outcome of the 2006 summer war
between Israel and Hezbollah further boosted Iran's bid for regional preeminence
as evidenced by its continuing pursuit of a controversial nuclear program in
defiance of U.N. Security Council resolutions and intensifying international
sanctions.
Hezbollah's influence has likewise surged in the aftermath of the 2006 war.
During the war, it accused the then-Lebanese prime minister Fouad Siniora of
collusion with Israel, and in November 2006, all five Shiite members of
Siniora's cabinet submitted their resignation in protest of his intention to
sign the U.N. draft plan for the creation of the STL. In December, Hezbollah and
its allies in the Shiite Amal movement, together with former president Michel
Aoun's National Patriotic Trend, organized a prolonged protest in downtown
Beirut and camped outside Siniora's office for several weeks. In May 2008,
Hezbollah invaded west Beirut and Jumblatt's stronghold on the Shuf Mountain,
forcing the government to rescind its decision to ban Hezbollah's landline
communication network and to fire the Shiite chief of Beirut's international
airport.
In the Palestinian territories, Damascus and Tehran have used their weighty
influence with Hamas to derail all attempts at achieving Palestinian
reconciliation, complicating PLO-Israeli peace negotiations, and giving the
Iranian-Syrian alliance an additional bargaining chip in Middle East politics.
Iran's regional gains have also threatened the stability of the Gulf Cooperation
Council (GCC). Geographic proximity, the presence of large numbers of Iranian
immigrants on the Arab side of the gulf, and the seeming inability of the GCC
countries to adequately incorporate their Shiite populations into the political
system and the fabric of society offered Iran a unique opportunity to
collaborate with these communities at the expense of their Sunni counterparts.
In Kuwait, sectarian tensions have mounted following the rise of Sunni
fundamentalism with Shiites having second thoughts about the ability of the
ruling family to ensure their security and personal safety. Saudi Shiites are
still essentially quietist though they are unlikely to remain impervious to the
winds of change that are blowing in neighboring countries, including a Huthi
insurgency in Yemen.
Indeed, the Saudis, who for years dreaded a Shiite awakening coming from the
east and north, have recently found themselves contending with yet another
threat from the south. During the summer of 2009, the Saudi armed forces were
drawn into a difficult military confrontation with the Iranian-supported Huthis,
who occupied a string of Saudi border locations. Coupled with the undying
al-Qaeda domestic threat and the kingdom's unresolved succession issue, Saudi
Arabia's ruling elite has been confronted with problems on all fronts.
Syria Returns with a Vengeance
Against this backdrop of heightened regional tensions, Assad made a bid to
reclaim his country's regional standing, repairing relations with Saudi
Arabia—severely damaged following the Hariri assassination—by supporting Riyadh
in its fight against the Huthis and quietly rectifying the imbalance of Syria's
power relationship with Iran. He calculated that just as Syria's weakened
position vis-à-vis Iran stemmed from a string of inopportune developments
(especially the Syrian exodus from Lebanon), so Tehran's growing isolation
increased its need for pan-Arab Damascus in order to legitimize its regional
encroachments. Moreover, given its key location, Syria was vital for maintaining
the Iranian lifeline to Hezbollah.
Bashar's strategy sought to emulate the role played by his late father after the
outbreak of the Iraq-Iran war in 1980. Then, Hafez al-Assad had convinced the
nervous GCC states that he would use his good offices with Tehran to preserve
their territorial integrity and prevent the war from spilling over to their
territory. Nearly thirty years later, mindful of the Iranian penetration of Iraq
and losing faith in the U.S. ability to protect them, the Saudis rediscovered
the merits of the Assad regime.
The Saudi ambassador to Damascus confirmed the restoration of the two countries'
relations following King Abdullah's visit to Damascus in October 2009, stating
that "the steady communication and special relationship between the custodian of
the holy shrines and President Assad are exemplary for other Arab leaders to
emulate." The ambassador added that the "fruits of the two countries'
distinguished relations … are reflecting positively, especially in Iraq and
Lebanon."
Walid Jumblatt, whose father was murdered in 1977 by Syria's Lebanese proxies,
quickly grasped the implications of the nascent Syrian-Saudi entente. He
defected from the Hariri-led March 14 Coalition shortly after the 2009
parliamentary elections, stopped criticizing the Syrian regime and its Lebanese
allies, and even issued "an unambiguous apology to Syria" on al-Jazeera
satellite TV station.
Recanting his vitriolic criticism of Assad, Jumblatt explained that the
foulmouthed words he had used to describe the Syrian president had been wrong
because they had been made at the spur of the moment during the difficult days
following the Hariri assassination.[15] He followed this by adopting Hezbollah's
position regarding an international inquiry into the assassination: "I wish the
STL has not existed, and it is better for justice to expose the false
witnesses."[16]
Jumblatt's apology to Syria and the about-face of his political course sent a
sobering but unmistakable message to Hariri who had failed to form a cabinet
until Saudi Arabia's King Abdullah interceded on his behalf with Assad. It was
only after Hariri received an official invitation to visit Damascus, five months
after his March 14 Coalition had won a clear parliamentary majority, that the
opposition agreed to join his cabinet in November 2009. Even then, the Saudis
continued to put pressure on Hariri to accommodate the Syrian demands, claiming
that there were clear limits to their influence and that both Riyadh and Beirut
must accept a greater role for Damascus in the affairs of its smaller
neighbor.[17]
These limits manifested themselves in both Lebanon and Iraq. Although the Saudis
had supported the coalitions of Saad Hariri and former Iraqi prime minister Iyad
Allawi, neither of them managed to form a cabinet on the basis of the
parliamentary majority they obtained at the polls. In Allawi's words: "It is
illogical to expect the efforts of Saudi Arabia, Egypt, and Syria to succeed in
removing the hurdles in front of the formation of the Iraqi cabinet."[18]
The Saudis also reminded Hariri that King Abdullah's July 2010 arrival in Beirut
aboard the same plane as Syrian president Assad was intended to underscore
Riyadh's acquiescence in Damascus's superior role in Lebanon.[19] In an
interview with the Saudi-owned al-Sharq al-Awsat daily, Hariri apologized to
Syria for having charged it with murdering his father. "Accusing Damascus of the
assassination was a mistake," he said. "The false witnesses misled the
investigation, and they have caused harm to Syria and Lebanon. [They] … ruined
the relationship between the two countries and politicized the
assassination."[20] Hariri's concessions, painful as they were, did not seem to
satisfy Assad, who wanted nothing short of the prime minister's unconditional
capitulation.
Accordingly, in October 2010, a Syrian court issued arrest warrants for
thirty-three individuals, mostly members of Hariri's political and
administrative team, for having allegedly misled the Mehlis investigation. Brig.
Gen. Jamil al-Sayyed, former chief of the Lebanese General Security and one of
Syria's foremost men in Lebanon, who had filed the lawsuit underlying the
warrants, went so far as to challenge Hariri "to take a lie detector test to
find out if he stood behind the witnesses who gave false testimony" that had led
to Sayyed's imprisonment for four years.[21] Given his close ties with Assad,
who gave him a personal welcome whenever he visited Damascus, it is
inconceivable that Sayyed would dare attack Hariri without a green light from
the Syrian president.
Indeed, Damascus's concerns about STL indictments seem to have all but
disappeared, feeling as it does that the Hariri assassination case has been
substantially downsized. This has in turn left Hezbollah's leader Hassan
Nasrallah worried that Assad might let him "face the tsunami of the special
tribunal for Lebanon on his own."[22] Muhammad Raad, a Hezbollah parliamentary
deputy, articulated the organization's concern when he bluntly told Lebanese
president Michel Suleiman, "We do not have officers who can spend four years in
jail; we do not have anybody who can spend four seconds in jail."[23]
It is in this context that one should assess Assad's insistence that Hariri
denounce the STL. It is important for Bashar to continue to convince the
Iranians that he is able to extract concessions from the Saudis and their allies
in Iraq and Lebanon, for otherwise he might lose his self-assigned position of
regional conciliator. Likewise, in keeping with his new role of appeasing
Damascus and Hezbollah, Jumblatt volunteered to claim that "there [was] no need
for a tribunal that leads to bloodshed."[24]
Hariri has already gone a long way in making concessions, and he is unlikely to
start defying his Saudi patrons. After all, Iraq and the Persian Gulf mean far
more to King Abdullah than indicting Hariri's assassins. The essential building
blocks are in place for settling the STL standoff between Hariri on the one hand
and Damascus and Hezbollah on the other. Given the confessional nature of
Lebanese politics, everything there must be resolved on the basis of consensus,
which means accommodation. The ongoing activity for laying the crisis to rest
thus centers on finding a formula that will satisfy Hezbollah while allowing the
Future Trend and Hariri to save face.
To find the winning formula, the regional powers are trying to square the circle
with regard to the main stumbling blocks: 1) the STL and the forthcoming
indictments; 2) the Syrian arrest warrants; and 3) the charges of false
witnesses. The emerging compromise seems to consist of a Syrian cancellation of
the arrest warrants, coupled with Hezbollah dropping the false witnesses
charges, and Hariri criticizing the weakening of Hezbollah as a "resistance
movement" by the U.N. report.
The prime minister will most probably avoid a personal denunciation of the
indictments but will not authorize government officials to cooperate with the
STL, thus effectively making the indictments worthless. As Jumblatt has recently
suggested, Hariri might content himself with finding the truth about his
father's assassins without bringing them to justice. Meanwhile, Hezbollah can
continue to denounce the STL and claim that it amounted to nothing more than a
U.S.-Israeli conspiracy. This will allow all parties in Lebanon to interpret the
indictments when published in accordance with their interests without reigniting
the civil strife.
Losing the Battle for Sovereignty
French president Nicolas Sarkozy has stated that the key to Lebanon's
sovereignty remains in Syria's willingness to exchange diplomatic missions with
its neighbor. When in 2009 Damascus finally agreed to open an embassy in the
Lebanese capital, Sarkozy often boasted that this achievement was of "his own
making, and that his policies have succeeded."[25]
Sarkozy and his Western, like-minded politicians, who think that engaging Syria
and ending its isolation provide sufficient incentives to induce it to leave
Lebanon, are dead wrong. Damascus appears to have a constitutional fixation on
its smaller neighbor. Eager to claim a regional power status for their country,
Syrian leaders have long considered Lebanon an integral and legitimate part of
their patrimony.
For their part, the Saudis are anxious to contain the region's Sunni-Shiite
divisions and seem willing to compromise Lebanon's sovereignty to this end,
considering the country "a tug-of-war needed to resolve regional crises of more
import to them."[26] By the same token, Lebanon's geostrategic position provides
an ideal arena for its near and distant neighbors to extend their regional
influence and to challenge the West and Israel while taking advantage of this
soft state. The Lebanese never miss an opportunity to complain that their
neighbors do not leave them alone. But the fact that Lebanon's sectarian leaders
do not know how to play politics without having a foreign sponsor attests to the
sad truth that the roots of the country's lack of sovereignty are primarily
internal and are embedded in its anachronistic, confessional political system.
Hilal Khashan is a professor of political science at the American University of
Beirut. His most recent publication is "The Evolving Security Threat in the
Middle East," in N. S. Sisodia and S. Kalyanaraman, eds., The Future of War and
peace in Asia (Magnum, 2010).
[1] "The Situation in the Middle East," UNSC resolution 1559, Sept. 2, 2004.
[2] CNN News, Feb. 28, 2005.
[3] Voice of America, Mar. 8, 2005.
[4] Agence France-Presse, Mar. 14, 2008.
[5] Ya Libnan (Beirut), Dec. 28, 2006.
[6] The Daily Star (Beirut), Sept. 29, 2008.
[7] Al-Riyadh, Aug. 18, 2006.
[8] Ibid.
[9] "Report of the International Independent Investigation Commission
Established Pursuant to Security Council Resolution 1595 (2005): Chronology of
Events, Mid-2004-September 2005," (Mehlis report), United Nations, New York, p.
ii.
[10] BBC News, Oct. 21, 2005.
[11] Ya Libnan, Dec. 20, 2005.
[12] "Handbook on the Special Tribunal for Lebanon," International Center for
Transitional Justice, New York and Beirut, Apr. 10, 2008, p. 9.
[13] "The Situation in the Middle East," UNSC resolution 1757, May 30, 2007.
[14] Al-Qabas (Kuwait), Sept. 30, 2010.
[15] Al-Diyar (Beirut), Dec. 13, 2009.
[16] Al-Khaleej (UAE), Sept. 27, 2010.
[17] Ariel Farrar-Wellman, Robert Frasco, "Saudi Arabia-Iran Relations,"
IranTracker, American Enterprise Institute, Washington, D.C., July 20, 2010.
[18] Al-Iraq News (Baghdad), Aug. 1, 2010.
[19] Al-Quds al-Arabi (London), July 31, 2010.
[20] Asharq al-Awsat (London), Sept. 6, 2010.
[21] LCCC (Lebanese-Canadian Coordinating Council) English Daily News Bulletin,
Sept. 18, 2010.
[22] Asharq al-Awsat, July 25, 2010.
[23] Al-Akhbar (Beirut), July 26, 2010.
[24] Al-Nahar (Beirut), Oct. 4, 2010.
[25] Al-Hayat (London), Oct. 6, 2010.
[26] Al-Safir (Beirut), Oct. 5, 2010.
Related Topics: Lebanon | Hilal Khashan | Winter 2011 MEQ
Israel arrests man wanted for suspected role in 1995 Srebrenica massacre
By Josh Lederman, The Associated Press | The Canadian Press
JERUSALEM - Israeli police on Tuesday arrested a former Bosnian Serb soldier
suspected by Bosnian authorities of involvement in the killing of 8,000 Muslim
men in 1995.
The Israeli Justice Ministry said Aleksander Cvetkovic was arrested Tuesday
morning following an extradition request from the Bosnian government. He is
expected to appear at a hearing on Wednesday.
The Bosnian Prosecutor's office said Cvetkovic "was suspected of genocide"
because of direct participation in the 1995 execution of Bosnian Muslim men and
boys at the Branjevo farm, near Srebrenica. Four other former members of
Cvetkovic's battalion are being tried by Bosnia's war crimes court on genocide
charges related to the incident.
"We would like to express our gratitude to the Israeli judiciary and police for
their assistance and co-operation, and we expect the suspect to be extradited to
Bosnia-Herzegovina soon," said Boris Grubesic, the spokesman for the Bosnian
prosecutor.
A statement from Israeli justice officials added that Cvetkovic is wanted as a
suspected member of an eight-man firing squad involved in executing between
1,000 and 1,200 Bosnian Muslims at the Branjevo Farm in July 1995. The victims
were brought by buses to the farm, gunned down and buried.
Those killings were part of what later became known as the Srebrenica massacre,
in which Bosnian Serb troops killed around 8,000 Muslims. It was the worst
atrocity in Europe since World War II.
The Justice Ministry said Cvetkovic moved to Israel with his family in 2006 and
received citizenship under Israeli law because his wife is Jewish. Bosnia filed
its extradition request in August 2010
Iran
blocks fuel for Afghanistan as tit for tat for Stuxnet
DEBKAfile Exclusive Report January 18, 2011, 2:20
Iran has blocked thousands of fuel trucks from crossing into Afghanistan as its
initial reprisal for US fuel sanctions and the US-Israeli partnership reported
by the US media in planting the Stuxnet virus in its nuclear production systems,
debkafile's military and intelligence sources report. More Iranian retribution
is ahead. In the last week of December, Iran began its blockade by stalling some
2,500 trucks on the border. Since roughly one-third of Afghanistan's gasoline
and diesel consumption comes from Iran, the blockade has sent prices soaring by
up to 70 percent. US and NATO forces in Afghanistan which have been relying on
the Iranian fuel shipped to Afghanistan have been forced to look for other
sources of supply.
Our military sources report that the fuel shortage caused by the Iranian
blockade and insurgent attacks on fuel convoys coming in from Pakistan are
beginning to show their mark on the US-led war effort, slowing it down and
diverting NATO to covering the Afghan population's heating needs in a
particularly harsh winter. The average Afghan cannot find enough heating oil and
when he does, he can't afford to pay for it.Stormy anti-Iranian protest rallies
have taken place in Kabul and Herat near the Iranian border. Tuesday, Afghan
businessmen, urged by President Hamid Karzai and American commanders, declared a
boycott on business with neighboring Iran until the thousands of fuel trucks are
allowed to cross. The boycott resolution by the Afghan Chamber of Commerce is
mostly symbolic since it is unlikely the eastern Afghans whose livelihood
depends on trade with Iran will hold out for long.