LCCC
ENGLISH DAILY NEWS BULLETIN
ِJuly
31/2010
Bible Of
the Day
Colossians 3:12–13
Put on then, as God’s chosen ones, holy and beloved, compassionate hearts,
kindness, humility, meekness, and patience, bearing with one another and, if one
has a complaint against another, forgiving each other; as the Lord has forgiven
you, so you also must forgive.
Today's Inspiring Thought: Bear with One Another
No one is perfect. On the contrary, life is full of difficult people. Yes, even
our brothers and sisters in Christ can set our patience to the test. But this
verse tells us just how to deal with troublesome individuals—become a "put on!"
Paul tells us to put on compassion, kindness, humility, meekness, patience, and
forgiveness.
The Bible speaks a lot about forgiveness because the Lord knows how often we
need to forgive and be forgiven. It may not feel natural or easy, and that's why
it's a put on, but this is how we bear with one another—through compassion,
humility and forgiveness
Free Opinions, Releases,
letters, Interviews & Special Reports
General Aoun in his maze/By: Hazem
al-Amin/July 30/10
Illusion and reality clash
in Lebanon/By
JONATHAN SPYER/July
30/10
Is it goodbye, America?/By: Michael
Young/July 30/10
Beirut summit unlikely to
resolve basic differences/By Michael Bluhm/July
30/10
Is Middle East war inevitable?/By
Volker Perthes/July 30/10
Latest News
Reports From Miscellaneous Sources for July 30/10
Abdullah, Assad Urge Lebanese to
Avoid Resorting to Violence/Naharnet
Inmates
Set Fire to Lebanon's Roumieh Prison Cell amid Quarrel, Several Injured/Naharnet
Historic Beirut Summit Brings
Together Abdullah, Assad, Suleiman to Defuse Tensions/Naharnet
Lebanon Hosts Syrian and Saudi
Leaders Friday/Voice of America
Obama renews asset freeze of people undermining
Lebanon/AFP
U.S. Assistant Secretary of
Defense Reaffirms Commitment to Help Lebanon Counter Extremism/Naharnet
Hizbullah Slams U.S. General
Remarks: He Aims to Spur Civil Strife/Naharnet
Obama Renews Asset Freeze of People
'Undermining' Lebanon/Naharnet
Williams: Visit of Abdullah,
Assad Beneficial for Lebanon's Future/Naharnet
Moussa: Visits of Arab Leaders
Aimed at Backing Lebanon/Naharnet
STL's Issawi Rejects Hizbullah
'Politically Motivated' Charges: Office of the Prosecutor will Issue an
Indictment when it is Ready/Naharnet
Qassem: Tribunal Indictment is a
Project of Strife/Naharnet
Al-Mashnouq: Accusations against
STL have No Legal Basis, Tripartite Summit Guarantee for Lebanon's Stability/Naharnet
Canada jails man for attempting
nuclear exports to Iran/AFP
Hariri hit suspect is Hizbullah
bigwig/Jerusalem
Post
Lebanon facing crisis if
Hizbollah charged over political murder/Telegraph
U.N. envoy discusses Lebanese
stability/UPI
US to boost LAF aid 'to counter
Syria, Hizbullah'/Daily Star
Arab intelligence agencies too busy
protecting regimes/Haaretz
Saudi king comes to Syria
amid regional tensions, heated rhetoric about Hezbollah/The
Canadian Press
Syria Blasts US "Interference"/CBS
Key events in Lebanon-Syria ties
since 2005/Gulf
News
UN leader hails landmark ban on
cluster munitions/AFP
Abdullah,
Assad Urge Lebanese to Avoid Resorting to Violence
Naharnet/Visiting Syrian President Bashar al-Assad and Saudi King Abdullah on
Friday urged Lebanese parties to avoid resorting to violence in the face of
mounting political tensions in the country. "The leaders stressed the importance
of stability... the commitment (of the Lebanese) not to resort to violence and
the need to place the country's interests above all sectarian interests," said a
communiqué issued by the Lebanese presidency after a mini-summit between the two
leaders and President Michel Suleiman.
The statement also stressed the need to "resort to legal institutions and
Lebanon's unity government to resolve any differences."
The Syrian president and Saudi monarch made the hours-long visit to Lebanon in a
bid to defuse tensions over reports of an impending indictment against members
of Hizbullah for former premier Rafik Hariri's murder. The communiqué urged
Lebanese parties to "pursue the path of appeasement and dialogue and to boost
national unity in the face of outside threats," referring to Israel. The Saudi
and Syrian leaders said they stood in solidarity with Lebanon "in the face of
Israel's daily violations of its sovereignty and its attempts to destabilize the
country."
Asked about the outcome of the brief talks as he left the presidential palace,
the Syrian leader gave a thumbs up and said: "The discussions were excellent."
Assad was visiting Lebanon for the first time since Hariri's assassination
soured bilateral ties and forced the pullout of Syrian troops from Lebanon after
a 29-year presence.
Damascus has consistently denied accusations it had a hand in the killing.
Relations between the two countries have been on the mend since 2008, when
diplomatic ties were established for the first time. Prime Minister Saad Hariri,
son of the slain Sunni leader, has also made four trips to Syria in the past
eight months. Saudi Arabia, a staunch supporter of the Hariri family, has played
a key role in the rapprochement between the Arab neighbors. Abdullah and Assad
arrived together from Damascus aboard the king's plane at around 2:00 pm. After
a welcoming ceremony at the airport in which Suleiman, Speaker Nabih Berri,
Premier Saad Hariri, cabinet members and other officials took part, the two Arab
leaders headed to Baabda palace for summit talks. Abdullah, Assad and Suleiman
held brief talks at the airport guest hall before heading to Baabda. The
expanded talks that followed the summit were attended by Foreign Minister Ali
al-Shami, his Syrian and Saudi counterparts Walid al-Muallem and Saud al-Faisal
respectively, Syrian presidential advisor Buthaina Shaaban, and head of the
Saudi intelligence service Prince Muqrin bin Abdul Aziz. Saudi and Syrian flags
were being flown throughout the Lebanese capital on Friday for the unprecedented
joint visit, along with huge portraits of the king together with a welcome
message. Security was also tight, with additional army and police deployed. The
expanded talks were followed by a lunch banquet in honor of King Abdullah and
President Assad, in attendance of a number of ministers, MPs, high-ranking
military and security officials, and a number of Arab and foreign ministers. The
Phalange Party was the most notable absentee although Lebanese Forces leader
Samir Geagea was also uninvited. However, LF MP Strida Geagea attended the
banquet. MPs of the Phalange Party, which is headed by former president Amin
Gemayel, decided to boycott the gathering after President Suleiman decided not
to invite former Lebanese presidents, hence Gemayel, heads of political parties
who are not MPs, and religious leaders. In addition to attending the summit at
the presidential palace, the Saudi monarch paid a brief visit to Hariri's Center
House in downtown Beirut where he met with religious leaders and other
officials. For his part, Assad held talks with Speaker Berri at the Baabda
Palace while Syrian Foreign Minister Walid Muallem, who accompanied Assad to
Beirut, met there separately with several Hizbullah deputies.(Naharnet-AFP)
Beirut, 30 Jul 10,
Inmates Set Fire to Roumieh Prison Cell amid Quarrel, Several Injured
Naharnet/Inmates set fire to a cell at the juvenile wing of Roumieh prison amid
a quarrel Friday that left several of them wounded. The Rapid Intervention Force
of the Internal Security Forces encircled the location and called in
firefighting vehicles. Media reports said that the ISF Leopards Commando Unit
managed to contain the quarrel. Beirut, 30 Jul 10,
Historic Beirut Summit Brings
Together
bdullah, Assad, Suleiman to Defuse Tensions
Naharnet/Lebanon on Friday hosts a historic and fateful summit of regional
leaders aimed at defusing tensions over reports of an impending indictment
against Hizbullah members for the murder of ex-Premier Rafik Hariri. The meeting
between President Michel Suleiman, Saudi King Abdullah and Syrian President
Bashar Assad was hastily organized amid fears of Sunni-Shiite violence should
the Special Tribunal for Lebanon implicate "rogue" Hizbullah members. Abdullah
visited Beirut for the first time as Saudi king. He had attended the Arab summit
in Beirut in 2002 when he was still crown prince. He became the first Saudi
monarch to visit the country since 1957. As for Assad, he visited the Lebanese
capital after an eight-year absence to consolidate the resumption of normal ties
between the two countries following five years of tension that erupted after
Hariri's assassination in February 2005. Abdullah and Assad arrived together
from Damascus aboard the king's plane at around 2:00 pm. After a welcoming
ceremony at the airport in which Suleiman, Speaker Nabih Berri, Premier Saad
Hariri, cabinet members and other officials took part, the two Arab leaders
headed to Baabda palace for summit talks. Abdullah, Assad and Suleiman held
brief talks at the airport guest hall before heading to Baabda. The meeting
between the three heads of state will also be attended by Berri, Hariri and
members of the Saudi and Syrian delegations and their Lebanese counterparts. An
Nahar newspaper said around 250 people have received invitations to attend a
luncheon with the exception of some members of the national dialogue, former
presidents, party leaders who are not lawmakers and religious officials.
Phalange leader Amin Gemayel and Lebanese Forces chief Samir Geagea are among
those who haven't been invited while former President Emile Lahoud received an
invitation, An Nahar said. However, Baabda sources told LBC the presidential
palace did not send an invitation to former presidents, including Gemayel and
Lahoud, to attend the luncheon. According to An Nahar, Phalange MPs and
ministers who have been invited to the luncheon will boycott the
gathering.(Naharnet-AFP)
Beirut, 30 Jul 10, 08:00
The General in his maze
Hazem al-Amin, July 30, 2010
General Michel Aoun accused Egypt of interfering in Lebanon’s internal affairs
following Egyptian Foreign Minister Ahmad Abu al-Gheit’s statement that a return
to “May 7” would be unacceptable. The general’s statement seems generously in
favor of some states, alliances and parties. He thus overlooked Syria, Saudi
Arabia, Iran and Qatar, the states that are supposed to be taking part in the
new settlement. He paid no heed to the Iranian Shura Council speaker who said
that the Special Tribunal for Lebanon targets Iran and Lebanon. Likewise, he
took no notice of the successive scheduled visits of Arab leaders who are
supposedly coming to Beirut in order to provide an Arab cover for truce in the
country … Only Abu al-Gheit’s statement amounted to interference in Lebanese
affairs.
Lebanon is witnessing today an unsettled period on the regional level. Every
detail on the domestic stage is under intense regional scrutiny. The postponed
war in the South is a regional one, and so is the potential domestic strife,
especially if we look back to the statements of Iran’s Shura Council Speaker,
Ali Larijani, which did escape Michel Aoun’s attention and did not prompt him to
consider them as interference in Lebanese affairs.
Only Abu al-Gheit’s statements were insufferable for the General. A little
comedy is acceptable as the Lebanese hold their breath, as their fate hinges on
the aftermath of the STL indictment. The General’s taking a jab at Egypt, comic
though it is, is useful since, in that case, we would be in front of an illusory
target that saves us from real targets. How else could we explain what the
leader of the Change and Reform Bloc said? Indeed, Abu al-Gheit’s saying that a
remake of “May 7” is unacceptable could be interpreted as interference in
Lebanon’s internal affairs if it goes against Lebanon’s wishes, i.e. if Lebanon
is willing to bring about a remake of “May 7,” whereas Egypt stands in the way
of that wish. The negative interference in Lebanon’s affairs in that case is
supposed to prevent the Lebanese from carrying out their wishes.
It does not end here, as the Egyptian foreign minister was one of those who
least talked about the Lebanese situation and who kept as much as possible from
delving into the details of the domestic situation. General Aoun knows that
Turkish PM Recep Tayyip Erdogan has reportedly talked in his private circles
about the municipal elections in Zahle. He also knows that the slogan “the South
has won, thank you Qatar” hangs on both sides of the road leading to the Beirut
International Airport. Egypt’s interference in Lebanese affairs is then totally
meaningless.
Michel Aoun believes that he will recover his status when the tensions in
Lebanon blow up and that he can exploit his allies’ “strength” to bolster his
dwindling popularity. Aoun has let out several indications backing this theory
over the past couple of weeks. First, he said he believes some parties on the
domestic level are helping the Israelis prepare for their presumed war, and this
amounts to a clear instigation against Christian parties. The General recently
failed to suppress his underlying wish for a new “May 7”: He thus condemned
Egypt’s objection of the remake of such an experience and interpreted it as
interference in Lebanon’s internal affairs.
This article is a translation of the original, which appeared on the NOW Arabic
site on Friday July 30, 2010
Samir Geagea
July 30, 2010
On July 30, As-Safir daily carried the following report:
During a chat with journalists in Maarab, the Head of the Executive Committee of
the Lebanese Forces, Samir Geagea, called for the “need to wait for the results
of the “S-S” formula in Lebanon and the entire region.” He added: “the data I
have says that this formula has given everything that must be given and that all
Lebanese teams must stay committed to calm and civil peace as no one can help
them.”Answering a question, he said that the issue of false witnesses needs
judicial references and an investigative judge in order to prove whether they
are false witnesses or not. He stressed that “all the false witnesses in the
Hariri assassination case are Syrians and the majority work for the Syrian
Intelligence apparatuses starting with Hussam Hussam all the way to Zuhair al-Siddiq.”
He concluded that the “sender” [of these false witnesses] is “the other team,
with the aim of shaking up the investigation and spreading an unhealthy
atmosphere.” He added: “the witness Hussam Hussam is present in Syria. If he
indeed made a false testimony against his own country, shouldn’t he be arrested
and questioned especially as his whereabouts are known?” He also called for “the
need to wait for indictment in order for us all to get acquainted with it. In
case the indictment turns out to be [erroneous] and not built on facts and
proof, we will all reject it.” He suggested that Hezbollah, which is announcing
a conspiracy for sedition, should warn us against it and invite us to sit
together to discuss this indictment.” Geagea responded to MP General Michel
Aoun's comments summoning him for investigation…by saying “General Aoun had a
headache yesterday.” He also reminded Aoun of the celebration held by the
Nationalist Party “… We saw a military parade last week during a celebration
held by the party of former Minister Abdel-Rahim Murad. So why doesn’t the
General ask for their transfer to the general Prosecution?”On the possibility of
a difference between Syria’s and Hezbollah’s positions regarding the tribunal,
Geagea saw no deep difference “because the Syrians are smarter than the
Hezbollah guys and they announce their positions smoothly.” On the other hand,
Geagea discussed the local and regional situations with the Egyptian Ambassador,
Ahmad al-Bedawi. He also met with Michele Sison, the Ambassador of the United
States in Lebanon. Geagea’s media bureau stated that the meeting parties
discussed the issue of the international tribunal “that is absolutely supported
by the USA because [the US] believes that [the tribunal] has high and prominent
experience in judicial work...”
Is it goodbye, America?
Michael Young, July 30, 2010 /Now Lebanon
The Arab world might want to watch what happens now that WikiLeaks, an
organization devoted to posting leaked sensitive documents online, has released
secret American military field reports from the war in Afghanistan. What has
resonated most is information that Pakistan, the United States’ purported ally
in the war, has been coordinating with the Taliban frequently against the
Americans.
Why should this matter to the Arabs? Because the single most destabilizing
development in the Middle East during the past year and a half has been the
American drawdown in Iraq – one that is even more psychological than political
and military. And to witness a replication of this in Afghanistan due to
declining support for the war, which the information provided by WikiLeaks can
only exacerbate, would have a significant impact on the broader region.
That’s not to suggest that Washington should maintain its forces indefinitely in
Iraq, and the withdrawal that must be completed by the end of this month will
still leave behind up to 50,000 military personnel. But the United States under
President Barack Obama has revised its ambitions in the region, downwards. The
administration has many objectives, but also no clear strategy binding these
together. Its minimalism in Iraq has created a vacuum, one the Arab states and
Iran are competing to fill. The end result will define the Gulf region, and
beyond, for years to come, yet the unavoidable conclusion is that the Americans
are not proactively shaping this process.
Which leads us to Afghanistan. There, too, an ill-thought-out American retreat
will have grave regional consequences. The Obama administration is losing
confidence in its Afghan venture, which is hardly surprising, and the moral of
the story as provided by WikiLeaks shows why: The Americans simply cannot win
the conflict if Pakistan is working against them, in its own bid to bring much
of Afghanistan once again under Islamabad’s thumb.
This week, David Ignatius of the Washington Post examined the WikiLeaks affair,
writing that it “has been damaging partly because it came at a time when the
Washington mood about Afghanistan was darkening … White House officials talk
these days about seeking an ‘acceptable endstate’ in Afghanistan, rather than
victory.”
And what does this endstate entail? “[A] patchwork process that brings greater
security through a stronger Afghan national army and police, plus the tribally
based ‘local police.’ The crucial driver will be a political process of
reconciliation, brokered partly by Pakistan.”
For those who followed the twists and turns of American thinking on Iraq in the
aftermath of the 2003 invasion, this will sound familiar. At the time, the Bush
administration also found itself adrift in the face of a stubborn insurgency,
and imagined that the solution lay in building up the Iraqi army and police
force. Like Obama’s team today, it considered that American salvation in Iraq
might require ceding more room to the country’s neighbors to pacify the
situation, an approach notably expressed in the Iraq Study Group report.
To his credit, President George W. Bush was never convinced by this rationale,
perhaps because he realized that the neighbors were the ones most responsible
for Iraq’s travails. It was always unlikely that they would reach an agreement
that could be to the benefit of the Iraqis. This truth now applies just as well
to the Afghans. Pakistan, like overbearing geographical neighbors anywhere,
holds the keys to some problems in Afghanistan; but because of the enmity it
elicits among neighborhood rivals, not to say among powerful Afghan ethnic
groups, Islamabad cannot possibly impose order on its own.
Washington seems blithely unaware of what is going on. For many officials in the
American capital, talk of a United States in retreat is absurd. The Obama
administration is involved in Palestinian-Israeli negotiations, you will hear
them say; it remains a player in Iraq, and is working harder than ever to
contain Iran. That may be true, but is also misleading. Talks between the
Palestinians and Israelis are going nowhere, and the administration will avoid
redoubling its efforts if failure becomes inevitable. In Iraq, the Americans
have been largely invisible during the government-formation process.
As for Iran, it’s true that Washington has tightened sanctions on the regime, in
conjunction with its European allies. However, the primary motive, and quite
understandably, has been to avoid being drawn into a military conflict with
Tehran. In other words, the administration is doing its best to more fully avoid
the region’s tribulations, once again interpreting its political mandate in a
modest way. Some, of course, may welcome this. However, that’s not the point.
The broader Middle East has been accustomed to the reality of American power for
six decades, creating some sort of political balance, albeit at times a
debilitating one. When Washington doesn’t fulfill its role a free-for-all
ensues. We should brace ourselves for more modesty from Washington, and the
headaches that will accompany it. **Michael Young is opinion editor of the Daily
Star newspaper in Beirut. His book, The Ghosts of Martyrs Square: An Eyewitness
Account of Lebanon’s Life Struggle (Simon & Schuster), was recently published.
Yes, yes…but
July 29, 2010 /Now Lebanon
Friday’s three way mini-summit in Beirut hosted by Lebanese President Michel
Sleiman and attended by King Abdullah Bin Abdulaziz of Saudi Arabia, President
Bashar al-Assad of Syria (they may even travel together on the same plane) and
Qatari Emir Sheikh Hamad bin Khalifa Al Thani I (who brokered the 2008 Doha
Agreement), is many things to many people.
On the face of it, it is a united Arab front (Egypt appears to have already
given its blessing) against Hezbollah and its Iranian backers. Much has changed
since the remarkable dinner in Damascus, hosted by Assad, at which the guests of
honor were Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad and Hezbollah Secretary General
Hassan Nasrallah, leaving no one in any doubt who had first dibs for seats at
the region’s top table.
But that was then, and the Middle East’s tectonic plates have since shifted.
Iran is increasingly isolated and heading for more censure from the UN, and
Turkey has moved closer to the action, attracting the attentions of both Saudi
Arabia and Syria. Hezbollah, in the meantime, is feeling the heat. It has come
under scrutiny from the international justice system just as it might be
required to fight a war with its archenemy Israel, either on behalf of Iran or
in response to a preemptive strike by Tel Aviv.
The fears (not to mention the threats) of Hezbollah-inspired civil violence such
as we witnessed on May 7, 2008, or even a fully-fledged coup d’état to prevent
indictments by the Special Tribunal, have pushed King Abdullah and President
Assad to formally solemnize the understanding reached at the end of 2009 that
appeared to underwrite the government of Saad Hariri.
It is a move that, on the face of it, we should welcome. Hezbollah has discarded
all pretence of being a mature partner in government by its childish posturing
and its cynical attempts to undermine state and international institutions by
spreading fear and suspicion among its constituents and the general population.
A party that is predicated on conflict and intolerance – “anyone who supports
the tribunal is an Israeli agent” – must be brought to heel, and Nasrallah will
be worried by the fact that Assad will not see him, at least not officially,
when he comes to town. This is all very well. But let us consider the
calculations. Saudi Arabia wants to secure its man in Beirut and at the same
time, if not draw Damascus out of Iran’s orbit, at least give it a glimpse of
what the friendship of Riyadh can mean to a country in need of economic help.
Much has been said, most recently on this site, on the rock-solid nature of
Syria’s relationship with Iran and how one must not be fooled by what is in all
likelihood a temporary glitch. But Syria is in full-on survival mode and
feathering its nest for a future that will either see Iran in isolation, at war
or under new management. Where does this leave Lebanon? While we welcome the
support from the Arab community, we hope that Lebanon will not once again be the
victim of a regional deal. Syria has done nothing in the last five years to show
that it has changed its attitude toward Lebanon, and by that we mean that it
still sees the country as a lost province whose rightful place is within the
larger Syrian fold. When the original deal over Lebanon was brokered at the end
of 2009, Syria negotiated one foot in Lebanon’s door by ensuring that the
so-called national-unity government was in reality one in which Damascus had a
stake. There is nothing to suggest that Syria would never send its tanks rolling
over the border once again, perhaps even as an excuse to restore stability after
a war (possibly one in which it had a hand in starting). There is plenty of
evidence to suggest that Syria still wants Hezbollah to treat it, and not Iran,
as its main patron and may be maneuvering precisely to achieve this end. So yes,
Hezbollah may have overplayed its hand, and yes there appears to be Arab cover
for Lebanon, but at what price?
Williams: Visit of Abdullah,
Assad Beneficial for Lebanon's Future
Naharnet/U.N. Special Coordinator for Lebanon Michael Williams described the
visits of Saudi King Abdullah and Syrian President Bashar Assad to Beirut on
Friday as "historic" and "beneficial" for the country's stability. "The visit of
these Arab heads of state will be enormously important and beneficial for
Lebanon's stability and future," Williams said following talks with Free
Patriotic Movement leader Michel Aoun in Rabiyeh. "They have very important
contributions to make in that regard, and I warmly welcome the engagement of
Lebanon's partners and friends," he said. Williams hoped that the engagement of
regional countries together with the efforts of President Michel Suleiman, Aoun
and other leaders would play an important role "in resolving the issues that
face Lebanon and bring stability for the coming months."
Asked about a draft law on civil rights to Palestinians, the diplomat said: "I
believe everybody is now approaching this in a constructive and positive manner
and, in particular, looking for advances with the regard to the right of work
for Palestinians."
On whether he thought that giving civil rights to Palestinians was a first step
in settling them in Lebanon, Williams told reporters: "No, I think this is
completely different and separate altogether. I think it would be for the
benefit of Palestinians but also for Lebanon if Palestinians are given, accorded
the right to work." "We are not sure (yet) which way events will evolve," he
said about the reported indictment of Hizbullah members by the Special Tribunal
for Lebanon. "Obviously we're very concerned about some of the tensions that
have taken place here, and we want to see if those can be settled. I believe
they can," Williams added. Beirut, 30 Jul 10, 13:27
Moussa: Visits of Arab Leaders Aimed at Backing Lebanon
Naharnet/Arab League Secretary-General Amr Moussa described the visits of Saudi
King Abdullah and Syrian President Bashar Assad to Beirut as positive and aimed
at stressing Arab support for Lebanon. "The visits of Arab leaders to Lebanon
are positive and aimed at stressing Arab support for Lebanon," Moussa told
pan-Arab daily Asharq al-Awsat in remarks published Friday. "Lebanon is not
alone and will not be left alone in the face of any negative developments or any
attacks," he said "During their visits to Beirut, the Arab leaders speak
in the name of all Arabs in their willingness to support Lebanon," Moussa added.
Beirut, 30 Jul 10, 09:06
Qassem: Tribunal Indictment is a Project of Strife
Naharnet/Hizbullah deputy leader Sheikh Naim Qassem said reports about the
international tribunal's indictment of the Shiite group's members are part of
efforts to weaken the resistance. The indictment is "a project of strife,"
Qassem said Thursday. This month Hizbullah leader Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah
assailed the court as an "Israeli project" after saying he had received word
that it planned to indict members of his group in connection with ex-Premier
Rafik Hariri's killing. "The Arab leaders' visit to Lebanon is an opportunity to
show Arab unity in the face of this plot which aims to destabilize Lebanon and
sow sedition," Hizbullah deputy Hassan Fadlallah told Agence France Presse.
"This would not be in the interest of the Lebanese or their Arab
brothers."(Naharnet-AFP) Beirut, 30 Jul 10, 09:41
U.S. Assistant Secretary of Defense Reaffirms Commitment to Help Lebanon Counter
Extremism
Naharnet/Assistant Secretary of Defense for Special Operations and Low Intensity
Conflict Michael Vickers reaffirmed U.S. commitment to providing the Lebanese
army's special operations forces with the advanced training and equipment
necessary to counter extremism inside Lebanon, the U.S. embassy said in a
statement. It said the equipment also help the government in extending Lebanon's
authority throughout the country's territory. During his visit to Beirut,
Vickers will meet with Defense Minister Elias Murr, Army chief Gen. Jean Qahwaji
and LAF Special Operations Forces. The embassy statement said Vickers noted that
over the past year the Department of Defense provided nearly $7 million dollars
in training and equipment to LAF special operations forces.
He made visits to Roumieh and Amchit to talk with LAF special operations
soldiers and officers, who displayed their new equipment and demonstrated unit
capabilities during live-fire exercises. The assistant secretary also attended
with Ambassador Michele Sison an annual reception hosted by the U.S. Department
of Defense's Near East and Southeast Asia (NESA) Center which brought together
over one hundred LAF officers who are alumni of NESA sponsored executive
seminars and training. Beirut, 30 Jul 10, 11:02
Hizbullah Slams U.S. General Remarks: He Aims to Spur Civil Strife
Naharnet/Hizbullah on Thursday snapped back at General James Mattis -- President
Barack Obama's nominee to lead the U.S. Central Command after the sacking of
General David Petraeus – over his recent remarks on U.S. "support for the
Lebanese Army to enable it of countering the influence of Hizbullah and Syria."
"He aims to spur civil strife among the Lebanese and with their brothers through
attempting to pit Hizbullah and Syria in a confrontation against Lebanon and the
Lebanese," Hizbullah said in a communiqué.
Such statements "demonstrate the level of the blatant U.S. intervention in
Lebanese affairs, as well as the level of meddling in Lebanon's relations with
its brothers, particularly with a state with which Lebanon has special and solid
brotherly ties," the party went on to say. The party reminded the U.S. general
that "Hizbullah is an essential internal component of the Lebanese social fabric
and that the attempts of the U.S. administration will not succeed in pitting the
Lebanese against each other to serve its own interests.""Lebanon is neither a
U.S. colony nor a military base on which Washington imposes what it wants in a
bid to achieve its interests that are identical to the interests of the Zionist
enemy." Beirut, 29 Jul 10, 20:14
STL's Issawi Rejects Hizbullah 'Politically Motivated' Charges: Office of the
Prosecutor will Issue an Indictment when it is Ready
Naharnet/The Special Tribunal for Lebanon on Thursday rejected charges by
Hizbullah that its work is politically motivated. "Experience of other
international tribunals has shown that the results of the work of such
institutions speak for themselves and contradict the unsubstantiated allegations
of hostile interference," Fatima Issawi, spokeswoman for the STL said Thursday.
"We are convinced that this will also happen in the case of the Special Tribunal
for Lebanon," she added. Asked about the anticipated indictment which has become
a controversial topic in Lebanon, Issawi said: "It would be quite unhelpful to
add to the existing speculations. The Office of the Prosecutor will issue an
indictment when it is ready."Answering a question on the probability of
Hizbullah or the Lebanese government refusing to hand over any possible indicted
suspects, Issawi stressed that the government had an obligation to respond to
the tribunal's requests. "Though we certainly hope it would not come to that,
the absence of an accused will not prevent the tribunal from conducting
proceedings and examining evidence against those who may be indicted," Issawi
said. "The final results of STL's work, rather than unfounded allegations or
speculation, can be the only basis for assessing its effectiveness," STL's
spokeswoman answered to a question on whether Hizbullah's allegations had
affected the tribunal's credibility. As to media reports about a possible
funding problem STL would face soon, Issawi said: "So far there has been no
indication that funding will be reduced in any way." Beirut, 29 Jul 10, 16:45
Al-Mashnouq: Accusations against STL have No Legal Basis, Tripartite Summit
Guarantee for Lebanon's Stability
Naharnet/MP Nouhad al-Mashnouq said Thursday that the Lebanese-Saudi-Syrian
summit is a "major Arab guarantee for Lebanon's stability."
He described Saudi King Abdullah and Syrian President Bashar al-Assad's visit to
Lebanon on Friday as an historic event that would present the necessary
guarantees to all sides and help them better understand the nature of the visit.
He added that Prime Minister Saad Hariri's initiatives towards Syria have turned
the Syrian leadership into an honest mediator that deals with all Lebanese
powers, "but this does not indicate a change in Syria's stance towards the
Resistance." Addressing the Special Tribunal for Lebanon, Mashnouq said: "The
tribunal is an international authority … and all assumptions and accusations
against it are exaggerations that have no legal or constitutional basis."
Beirut, 29 Jul 10, 18:09
Obama
renews asset freeze of people undermining Lebanon
http://www.google.com/hostednews/afp/article/ALeqM5hO7cPi_ijylWyUgk8Ol-8YYi53wQ
(AFP) – WASHINGTON —
President Barack Obama renewed an emergency measure Thursday to freeze the
assets of persons who work with Hezbollah militants and "infringe upon" Lebanese
stability.
"While there have been some recent positive developments in the Syrian-Lebanese
relationship, continuing arms transfers to Hezbollah that include increasingly
sophisticated weapons systems serve to undermine Lebanese sovereignty," Obama
said in a message to Congress. Obama said the national emergency measures
declared on August 1, 2007, must "continue in effect beyond August 1, 2010." The
original executive order under president George W. Bush, continued by Obama,
found that threats against Lebanese stability and moves to restore Syria's
former dominant influence there presented an "unusual and extraordinary threat
to the national security and foreign policy of the United States."The statement
came hours after confirmation Syrian President Bashar al-Assad will visit Beirut
on Friday for a summit aimed at easing tensions in Lebanon, in his first visit
since the 2005 assassination of Lebanese ex-premier Rafiq Hariri that forced the
pullout of Syrian troops after a 29-year presence.Syria, also accused of backing
Hezbollah, was widely believed to have a hand in the killing but has
consistently denied any involvement.
Copyright © 2010 AFP. All rights reserved. More »
Canada jails man for attempting nuclear exports to Iran
MONTREAL (AFP) - A Canadian court on Thursday sentenced a Toronto man to four
years and three months prison for attempting to export dual-use nuclear-related
items to Iran, in violation of UN resolutions. Mahmoud Yadegari was sentenced in
the Ontario Court of Justice to 20 months in jail, as well as the 15.5 months of
pre-sentence custody, Canada's public prosecution service said in a statement.
"Because the court granted double credit for pre-sentence custody, this amounts
to a four-year, three-month sentence," the statement read.
Prosecutors were seeking 6.5 years prison for Yadegari, 37, who was born in Iran
but has been living in Canada since 1988. On March 4, 2009, Yadegari "attempted
to export controlled material to Iran" via Dubai, read the statement. "The
goods, known as pressure transducers, are subject to a United Nations embargo on
nuclear-related exports to Iran."
The items, it said, "are also on Canada's Export Control List."Yadegari was
arrested in April 2009 following a two-month investigation carried out jointly
with US officials.
He was found guilty on July 6 of nine out of 10 charges, including offences
under the Customs Act, the United Nations Act, and the Criminal Code.Yadegari is
the first person convicted of violating UN anti-nuclear proliferation
resolutions against the Tehran regime, Crown prosecutor Bradley Reitz said
earlier. Western powers believe that Iran is building nuclear weapons under the
cover of a civilian nuclear program, a charge Tehran vehemently denies
US to
boost LAF aid 'to counter Syria, Hizbullah'
By The Daily Star
Friday, July 30, 2010
BEIRUT: The US will boost the capabilities of the Lebanese Armed Forces (LAF) to
balance against the influence of Syria and Hizbullah in Lebanon, As-Safir
newspaper quoted a senior US Army official as saying on Thursday. According to
the newspaper, the remarks were made by General James Mattis, who will succeed
General David Petraeus as the Head of the US Central Command. When answering a
number of written questions he received from members of the US Armed Forces
Committee, Mattis said the relations between the Central Command and the
Lebanese Army focused on building the latter’s capabilities “to preserve
internal stability and protect borders.” Mattis stressed he would continue such
a policy when he assumes office, outlining seven objectives for his move. These
are: defending borders and maintaining security, strong air support and accurate
deliverance, special operations, establishing a safe national defense,
telecommunications engineering, enhancing protected military mobility, improving
training programs and military facilities, and developing military logistic aid
engineering.
Asked whether US military aid should boost its anti-terrorist capabilities or
work on building the Lebanese Army’s institutions, Mattis stressed that the
Lebanese Army was a “non-political institution.” “I believe it will be fruitful
to focus on building the capabilities of LAF to balance against the influence of
Syria and Hizbullah,” he said. Mattis will appear before the US armed forces
committee during House of Senate sessions that will see the approving of his
appointment. He also noted that combating terrorism was one of the announced
goals of the Lebanese Army, besides defending and securing borders, preserving
internal security and stability along with supporting social development. He
stressed that he would proceed with efforts aimed at meeting those goals. “A
strong and effective LAF constitutes a pillar for the stability of the Lebanese
Cabinet on which Lebanese citizens can rely, the fact clearly demonstrated
during the conflict of Nahr al-Bared camp in 2007,” said Mattis. Armed clashes
broke out between the Lebanese Army and members of Fatah al-Islam Islamist
movement during summer 2007, from which the army emerged victorious. Mattis
acknowledged that such a process would be time-consuming, but added that there
was a mutual agreement between Lebanon and the Central Command which enabled the
implementation of the assigned objectives. Answering a question about the
interest of US national security in Lebanon, Mattis asserted that the first goal
was to help Lebanon in maintaining a democratic government providing a fair
representation of the country’s 18 religious sects. “The second goal is
[protecting] the sovereignty of Lebanon that is being challenged by Hizbullah
via activities undermining stability,” added Mattis. “The current national unity
Cabinet embraces Hizbullah which is blacklisted by the US as a foreign terrorist
organization.” Asked how the US would deal with a Lebanese Cabinet in which
Hizbullah participated, Mattis said the Central Command was focusing on the
“ground level, that is on the Lebanese Army, in line with the US adopted
policy.” – The Daily Star
Beirut summit unlikely to resolve basic differences
understanding among leaders could still help to defuse situation, say analysts
By Michael Bluhm /Daily Star staff
Friday, July 30, 2010
BEIRUT: While Friday’s summit in Beirut will likely focus on easing tensions
here, it will not resolve the fundamental difference over the international
tribunal among Lebanon’s factions, while the meeting will also help cement
Syria’s resurgent position in Lebanon, a number of analysts told The Daily Star
on Thursday.
“There will be an understanding on defusing the situation,” said Oussama Safa,
executive director of the Lebanese Center for Policy Studies. “There is a very
strong interest in keeping things cool in Lebanon. It’s a very positive meeting.
It will probably continue the renewed commitment to the Doha accord.”
Saudi King Abdullah and Syrian President Bashar Assad will confer with President
Michel Sleiman and other local leaders at Baabda Palace on Friday, in a move to
restore some stability here after Hizbullah leader Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah said
last week his group would reject any indictment of its members by the Special
Tribunal for Lebanon. Support for the tribunal’s investigation of the 2005
assassination of former Premier Rafik Hariri has long been a cornerstone of the
March 14 political coalition, which is led by his son, Prime Minister Saad
Hariri.
While declarations after the Abdullah-Assad summit will highlight calm and
confidence, the continuing uncertainty over the looming tribunal indictment
means that Friday will probably not mark a new Doha accord, said Paul Salem,
head of the Carnegie Middle East Center. The March 14 camp and the Hizbullah-led
March 8 alliance signed a deal in the Qatar capital in May 2008 to end days of
civil strife, establish a unity cabinet and elect Sleiman.
“We’re in a pre-Doha phase,” Salem said. “We’re at the beginning of a period of
rising tension, where there are two positions that are [opposed] to each other.”
At the same time, Salem added, the situation remains rather peaceful despite the
widely expected prospect that the tribunal will charge Hizbullah members with
complicity in Hariri’s killing; members of Hizbullah and Saad Hariri’s Future
Movement continue to work together in the Cabinet, although the possibility of
Hizbullah’s implication has long been the worst fear of many in the March 14
faction, Salem said.
“Things are remarkably calm for what is a worst-case scenario,” he added.
Nevertheless, in spite of whatever accommodation springs from Friday’s meeting,
the basic and seemingly intractable division over the tribunal will persist,
said Hilal Khashan, who teaches political studies at the American University of
Beirut. For Hizbullah, the court is an Israeli plot, while the Future Movement
and its March 14 partners have not wavered in their respect for the tribunal,
Khashan added.
Abdullah and Assad “cannot reconcile Hizbullah’s position with the position of
the Future Movement on the matter,” Khashan said. “You have a division on a
matter of principle.”
Friday’s air of bonhomie will also do little to alleviate Hariri’s unenviable
position – if he accepts a potential indictment of Hizbullah members, he would
rile Hizbullah, while rejecting an indictment would mean alienating his
political partners, his mostly Sunni constituents and the international
community, said retired General Elias Hanna, who teaches political science at
various universities. “He is in a lose-lose situation,” Hanna said.
For Assad, meanwhile, the summit represents a milestone in the Arab world’s
“recognizing and legitimizing Syrian control in Lebanon,” Khashan said.
Abdullah met with Assad in Damascus on Thursday before proceeding to Lebanon.
Syria fell into Arab disfavor after Rafik Hariri’s February 2005 assassination;
many in the March 14 coalition have accused Damascus of involvement in the
killing, but Syria has always categorically denied any role in the crime. Mass
demonstrations in Beirut in the weeks after the assassination led to the
withdrawal of Syrian troops after a 29-year presence in Lebanon.
“Syria has won a new mandate in Lebanon,” Khashan added. “The next weeks will
show everyone that Syria is returning to Lebanon.”
Syria’s return to prominence in Lebanon also illustrates how Damascus has become
the nexus of the region’s geopolitics, Khashan said. After years of
international isolation following suspicions in Hariri’s assassination, the
Saudis have entered a rapprochement with Syria, while Khashan said he expected
an Egyptian-Syrian rapprochement to begin soon, as Turkey also courts Damascus.
“Syria has become a regional prize,” Khashan added. “Everyone wants to be on the
good side with Syria. Syria is cardinal within the region.”
The harmony expected to be in evidence on Friday also marks a turnaround in the
regional atmosphere, Salem said. With Ankara and Cairo joining Abdullah’s new
collaboration with Syria, a new era has taken root of regional actors working
together to address regional issues – with the US and Iran largely on the
sidelines, Salem added.
“The regional dynamic is one of cooperation, whereas three years ago it was one
of outright confrontation,” he said.
While these latest regional developments mirrored in Friday’s summit appear to
be an encouraging sign, they do little to clarify how the coming phase will play
out in Lebanon, Khashan said. For example, Syria’s regaining much influence here
leaves Hizbullah “confused,” because the two allies have had shaky moments in
their relationship – Hizbullah senior commander Imad Mughniyeh was assassinated
while visiting Damascus in 2008 – and their interests are not always identical,
Khashan added.
In the end, regardless of whatever deal might be reached on Friday, and
regardless of how much sway Syria recoups in Lebanon, Hizbullah’s response to
any tribunal indictment will largely determine the course of events in Lebanon,
Khashan said. Although the tribunal has consistently refrained from giving any
information about whether Hizbullah – or anyone else – has been a target of its
investigation, tribunal President Antonio Cassese told The Daily Star in May
that he was expecting the court’s prosecutor to file a request for indictment
between September and December. “The question is, does Hizbullah want to keep
the peace or not?” Khashan asked. “The ball is in Hizbullah’s court. Hizbullah
will decide the next move in Lebanon.”
Thoughts From Tehran
Barry Gewen
http://www.tnr.com/blog/foreign-policy/76656/iran-muslim-brotherhood-zionism-hezbollah
Barry Gewenview bioThoughts From Tehran Afghanistan Without Illusions Why Do
British Conservatives Treat Deficits So Differently? July 29, 2010 | 2:05 pm
2 comments |MorePrint.More From this Author
Gewen: Why There Is Actually Hope for Democracy in Afghanistan
Why Do British Conservatives Treat Deficits So Differently?We were all dreamers
then. When we overthrew the Shah, we thought a bright new age had dawned.
Tyranny had been defeated and soon we would vanquish all the secularists,
Westernizers, imperialists, and Zionists. Our glorious revolution would be the
model for millions, not only in the Middle East but among Muslims everywhere.
Islam would be restored to its rightful place at the center of people’s lives,
and piety would replace politics. Some of us even imagined that all the
prophecies of the Koran were about to come true.
Such dreams. Could we not have seen that Arabs would never follow Persians, and
that Sunnis would not consider a Shia revolution to be a true Islamic
revolution? We are not a vanguard, as it turns out. Instead, we are dangerously
isolated, with enemies on every side. And so we have worked very hard to find
allies—but what allies are these!
Bashar Assad is completely unreliable, a sheer opportunist. He would make a deal
with the Zionists tomorrow if it suited him. Fortunately, he continues to hope
for a Greater Syria, a Syria that strides across the world stage instead of the
puny state that it is. It’s good for us that his reach exceeds his grasp. But if
reality ever seized his fevered mind, he could abandon us as quickly as he has
abandoned his other allies when it has suited his purposes.
Hamas? Let us not kid ourselves. They would hate us if they didn’t need us. And
if the Muslim Brotherhood takes control of Egypt, the Palestinians of Hamas are
certain to discover their true feelings about Persian Shiites.
In Iraq Bush did us a favor by getting rid of that atheistic dictator Saddam
Hussein and bringing in a Shia government. There’s no question that our
influence in Iraq is greater than when that Sunni slaughterer of millions was
threatening us. And yet what kind of Shiites are these Iraqis? Did they rise up
when Saddam waged war against us for eight long years in the 1980s? No, they
were loyal subjects to our greatest enemy and fought by his side in his brutal
war of aggression against us. They have proved one thing to us: They are Arabs
before they are Muslims.
Praise be to Allah for Hezbollah in Lebanon! They are genuine friends, pious
Shiites committed to ridding the region of the Zionist entity. They remind me so
much of what we were like when our revolution was young, and we must do whatever
we can to assure that they remain strong.
And yet we must face the truth: This is an alliance not of strength but of
weakness. Hezbollah cannot stand on its own—they would barely exist without our
money and arms. They will never be able to take control of Lebanon simply
because no one can—the country is divided into too many sects and sub-sects.
Even I can’t fathom them all. Besides, the Zionists and Western powers would
never permit a Hezbollah takeover; and our great “ally” Assad would probably
oppose it as well.
What’s worse, should our imperialist or Zionist enemies ever attack us
militarily, we can’t be sure Hebollah would fight with us. We could ask them to
fire rockets into the Zionist entity, but would they risk the inevitable
retaliation and do it? It’s important to them, and to their credibility in
Lebanon, that they be seen as Lebanese patriots, not proxies for us and our
interests. It’s good for us that they are willing to harass the Zionists, even
to the point of waging hopeless war against them (what is the Western phrase?
“Useful idiots”) but we can’t ask more of them, nor can we expect them to
provide more for us if it endangers their own country.
No, if we remain clear-headed, if we refuse to dream, we have to accept that in
this perilous world we are alone, utterly alone. And here we can learn from the
Zionists: When you are isolated and surrounded by enemies, your best friend is a
nuclear weapon.
Of course our enemies want to deny us this ultimate security. I would be
surprised if they said anything else. But when I read the debates in the West
about how to stop our nuclear program, I don’t know whether to laugh or to cry.
The fools! Can’t they see that nothing will stop us? The Zionists have the bomb.
So do the Americans, sitting to our west in Baghdad, and our eternal enemies the
Russians, to the north. The Hindus have the bomb and even those unruly
barbarians the Pakistanis have it. We are a great, a noble civilization, over
3,000 years old, and in our region especially, a civilization can only be great
if it possesses nuclear weapons. No Iranian patriot denies this. Even President
Ahmadinejad’s opponents understand that Iran needs the bomb.
This is a question of both national pride and national security. Our enemies
continue to propose sanctions against us, and then even more sanctions, but they
are fooling themselves if they think economic deprivation would cause us to
change course. The crazier ones speak of the possibility of military action and
some of the craziest demand it, because they claim that if we had the bomb we
would promptly use it against the Zionist entity. This is the talk of
fanaticism, of people unable to view the world from any point of view but their
own. They really seem to believe that our leaders would sacrifice millions of
Iranians to an inevitable nuclear retaliation, that in effect they would turn
our entire country into one large suicide bomber.
But what would be the point when everyone knows that in a generation or two,
Zionism will be finished? Before long, the Palestinians will outnumber the Jews,
and the empty claim of democracy will be revealed as a sham. The Zionists have
already lost most of their friends in Europe, and their Muslim friend, Turkey;
in America the anti-Zionists are steadily gaining ground, even, we are told,
among American Jews. It’s only a matter of time. All we have to do is keep the
pressure on, and sit and wait.
Yet the crazies in the West could prevail. At the end of the day, perhaps after
the next American presidential election, Washington and Tel Aviv could decide to
bomb our facilities at Natanz, Isfahan, and Arak, take out our factories and
missile bases, even target universities to kill our scientists. And what will
they have accomplished? They will not destroy our nuclear program, only delay it
for a few years—and at the cost of a possible all-out war that nobody could win,
a never-ending war that would require them to stage raid after raid year after
year as we rebuilt. When I try to think of the consequences if the Zionists or
the Americans bombed us, my mind reels.
Still, I cannot deny, Allah forgive me, that a part of me wishes they would bomb
us. Our revolution has grown feeble. We are being forced to use ever harsher
measures to suppress our opponents. The young are increasingly seduced by the
hedonistic, decadent West; they take us seriously only when they experience the
pain we can inflict in Evin prison. Sometimes, I think we are losing, that Islam
is losing, and that everything we have worked for, sacrificed for, is coming to
nothing. It’s at such moments as these that I wish for the bombs.
For if our “forms of persuasion” can’t bring the young back to the revolution,
surely the bombs of the Zionists or the imperialists would. I can imagine no
more effective means of solidifying public support for one, two, maybe three
generations than Western aggression. Even today, after all, the fallen Mosadegh
is spoken of reverently in the streets of Tehran. How much more powerful would
be the memory of thousands of innocent martyrs who would lose their lives to the
aggressors’ bombs?
But then another question immediately presents itself. What will happen when we
get the bomb—what then? This is a formidable question indeed. Our enemies, even
in the umma, would not sit back quietly. Even now, many in Egypt, Saudi Arabia,
and the Gulf States are urging the Zionists to bomb us. Certainly, an Iranian
bomb would induce them to start up their own nuclear programs, and here we are
truly caught on the horns of a dilemma: The effort to make us more secure could
end up making us less secure. It’s a paradox, to be sure.
But perhaps it’s a paradox with a solution. What if we did everything to develop
a nuclear weapon except take the final step, or what is called making the final
twist of the screwdriver? Or what if we do what the Zionists have done all these
years and build up an arsenal without ever acknowledging our nuclear capability?
The Zionists play a parlor game in which no one is fooled. Still, it’s a game
that has forestalled a nuclear arms race throughout the Middle East. Why
couldn’t we do the same? We will have to think all this through, and ponder very
carefully. It may be that we have a great deal to learn from the Jews.
**Barry Gewen has been an editor at The New York Times Book Review for over 20
years. He has written frequently for The Book Review, as well as for other
sections of The Times. His essays have also appeared in World Affairs, The
American Interest,World Policy Journal, and Dissent.
Illusion and reality clash in Lebanon
By JONATHAN SPYER
07/29/2010 17:29
http://www.jpost.com/MiddleEast/Article.aspx?id=183090
Initially, the Special Tribunal for Lebanon probing the murder of Rafik Hariri
focused on Syria as the culprit. Lately, indications suggest that the main focus
of the investigation is now on Hizbullah.
Tension is currently rising in Lebanon, amid reports that the Special Tribunal
for Lebanon (STL) is to issue indictments in the coming months. The tribunal is
tasked with investigating the 2005 murder of Lebanese prime minister Rafik
Hariri. Earlier this year, its president, Antonio Cassese, said he expected that
indictments would be issued at some stage between September and December.
The Hariri tribunal has followed a long and winding path since its formation
shortly after the murder, which took place on February 14, 2005. In its initial
period, it was expected that its main angle of investigation would focus on the
Syrians. Hariri was known as a defender of Lebanese sovereignty and therefore a
natural adversary of the Syrian regime.
The latest indications, however, suggest that the main focus of the
investigation is now on Hizbullah. This has led some Lebanon watchers to raise
the specter of possible renewed civil strife in the country. Others have
suggested that the prospect of indictments represents a serious dent in
Hizbullah and Iran’s power in the country. Neither of these claims, however,
holds water.
The first claim rests on the idea that if Hizbullah is indicted for the murder
of Rafik Hariri, this will place Saad Hariri – current prime minister and son of
the murdered man – on a collision course with it.
But for a civil war, you need two sides. In 2008, it was the effective
capitulation of Hariri and his March 14 movement which averted conflict. This
time around, Hariri has even fewer options and this makes renewed confrontation
less likely.
In a press conference last week, Hizbullah leader Hassan Nasrallah said that he
had been personally informed by Hariri that the tribunal would accuse some
“undisciplined members” of Hizbullah (i.e. not the movement as a whole) of the
murder of his father.
Nasrallah also noted that he had received a personal assurance from Hariri that
he would publicly confirm that individual Hizbullah members, rather than the
movement itself, were implicated in the murder.
Informed sources suggest that Hizbullah has already selected the individuals it
will throw to the wolves if indictments are indeed issued (which is itself not
certain).
The men in question are low-level operators reputed to be involved in crime as
well as movement activity.
Nasrallah’s rare press conference may have indicated that Hizbullah is
uncomfortable at the prospect of the indictments. But his name-checking of
Hariri also confirmed that he thinks he has little to worry about from the
murdered man’s son.
The available evidence suggests that he is right. Mustafa Allouche, a former MP
from Hariri’s March 14 bloc, said last Friday that if the tribunal issued
indictments “not backed by proper evidence,” then the position of the Hariri
movement toward it would change.
Allouche added that Hariri would consider matters in cooperation with Nasrallah
to ensure “calm.” Hariri is reported to have held a private meeting with
Nasrallah in recent days to lay the basis for this cooperation and reassure the
Hizbullah leader.
The idea that a group of Hizbullah members decided independently to assassinate
Rafik Hariri belongs in the realm of comedy. Hizbullah is a fiercely
centralized, disciplined body in which no dissent is brooked. Its militants do
not go about pursuing their own political and military policies.
It is made doubly so by the known sophistication of the Hariri murder. The
notion that a group of Hizbullah men acting independently could have assembled,
planted and detonated the massive explosive device that killed him, without
their own movement’s knowledge or the knowledge of the Syrian de facto rulers of
the country at the time, is without any foundation in reality.
SO WHY IS Saad Hariri apparently bowing before the Iran-Syria-Hizbullah axis
that murdered his father? Hariri is a client of the Saudis, and the Saudis, for
reasons of their own, are currently engaged in a process of rapprochement with
the Syrians. Saudi King Abdullah is due to visit Lebanon this week. The Lebanese
prime minister possesses no military power on the ground. A civil war between
his supporters and Hizbullah would be exceedingly short, and would rapidly
conclude with Hariri’s destruction.
As a result, he is carrying out his own slightly macabre courtship dance with
the people that killed his father. Syria is quietly rebuilding its power in
Lebanon, with no effective pro-Western counter-force to oppose it. Hariri
therefore must bow to reality and avoid clashing with Hizbullah and/or Syria
over the tribunal.
The Saudi approach in turn is supposed to shore up the troubled Arab diplomatic
system by drawing Syria back into it.
Some commentators have claimed to see a silver lining in this. They depict the
current situation as representing a weakening of Iran and its Hizbullah client
in the face of a new alignment of Syria and Hariri, backed by Saudi Arabia and
Turkey.
Such a depiction has little foundation. Syria’s return to political influence in
Lebanon is a product of its alliance with Iran. Its continuation depends on the
continued existence of this alliance. So the idea that Syria’s new friendship
with Hariri portends a significant shift in the balance of power is an illusion.
It is a friendship on Syrian terms, made possible by the implicit threat of
Iranian-backed muscle. The Syrians will be happy to reap the fruits of their
alliance with Iran in the form of renewed political sway in Lebanon. This has no
implications for the real Iranian power in the country, or for Syria’s alignment
with it.
The real power in Lebanon today, whose resources, investment and ambitions dwarf
those of the Syrians, is the Islamic Republic of Iran. Iran exercises its power
through its Hizbullah client. Hizbullah, in turn, is able to have the last word
in any argument in the country because of its military power on the ground.
Hizbullah and its patrons prefer to allow the Lebanese political system and
government to exist, and will continue to do so for as long as they do not
interfere in their plans.
Iran’s plans are region-wide, and it is interested in Lebanon mainly insofar as
its control of the southern part of that country allows it to maintain the most
active front currently in existence in the Israel- Islamist conflict. Syria is
riding back into Lebanon in the form of a minor carriage attached to the
Iranian- Hizbullah train.
Against this political-military juggernaut, the conscientious researchers of the
SLT can do little. Saudi diplomacy and its Lebanese clients lack the tools to
oppose Iran and its allies directly. They are therefore seeking to convince
themselves and the world that their strategy of drawing Syria away from Iran is
working. It is not.
The US, meanwhile, is engaged in matters elsewhere, and the administration still
appears to be in a learning process regarding the ambitions of the Iranled
regional axis.
It is against this background that the latest developments in Lebanon should be
understood. Neither the SLT, nor Saad Hariri, nor Turkey, nor Saudi Arabia are
going to break the power of Iran and its allies in Lebanon. This will be
achieved, if it is to be achieved, as a result of the frustration of Iranian
plans on a broader, regional level.
*The writer is senior researcher at the Global Research in International Affairs
Center, IDC, Herzliya.
Hariri
hit suspect is Hizbullah bigwig
By JPOST.COM STAFF AND AP
07/30/2010 01:41
UN tribunal to announce "chief suspect" is Mughniyeh’s cousin.
The UN Special Tribunal for Lebanon is reportedly set to announce that Mustafa
Badr al-Din, a senior Hizbullah operative and close relative of the former
Hizbullah terror chief Imad Mughniyeh, is the main suspect in the 2005
assassination of former Lebanese prime minister Rafik Hariri.
According to an Israel TV report on Thursday night, Hariri’s son, the current
Lebanese Prime Minister Saad Hariri, asked the tribunal to postpone releasing
Din’s name, because of the potentially incendiary implications for Lebanon of
such an announcement.
alDin, the cousin and brother- in-law of Mughniyeh, who was killed in a car bomb
in Damascus in February 2008, was also reportedly responsible for planning the
attempted assassination of the ruler of Kuwait in 1985, among other operations.
Sheikh Hassan Nasrallah, the leader of Hizbullah, said last week that members of
his group would be among those indicted by the tribunal, which he dismissed as
an “Israeli plot.”
Many in Lebanon have worried that if the tribunal implicates Hizbullah, it could
lead to another round of clashes between Lebanon’s Shi’ite and Sunni
communities, like the bloody conflict that convulsed Beirut in 2008.
Tensions in Lebanon have generated so much concern that Syria’s President Bashar
Assad was expected to travel to Beirut on Friday, his first trip there since his
troops were forced out.
Saudi Arabia’s King Abdullah made a rare journey to Damascus on Thursday, in a
visit apparently intended to indicate a united front as regional tensions mount
over the pending indictments in the Hariri assassination.
Syria and Saudi Arabia have long been on opposite sides of a deep rift in the
Arab world, with Syria backing groups such as Hizbullah and Hamas. The Saudi
kingdom is a US ally, along with Jordan and Egypt.
Assad and Abdullah agreed that the “challenges facing Arabs, mainly in occupied
Palestine, necessitate that all [Arabs] double their efforts to upgrade
inter-Arab relations,” Syria’s official news agency reported after the end of a
meeting between the two leaders.
They also stressed the need to support all means to boost stability and unity in
Lebanon.
Many in Lebanon blame Syria for the Hariri assassination, a claim that Damascus
denies. Hariri was a Sunni leader with strong Saudi links, and his killing
exacerbated the already-strained relationship between Riyadh and Damascus.
Hariri’s death was followed by the rise of the US and Saudi-backed March 14
coalition, named after a day of massive anti-Syrian protests in 2005 dubbed the
“Cedar Revolution.”
The demonstrations eventually led to the withdrawal of Syrian troops, ending
almost three decades of Syrian domination established during Lebanon’s civil
war.
Regional tensions are also high over reports that Syria sent Scud missiles to
Hizbullah and suspicions that Hizbullah patron Iran wants to acquire nuclear
weapons. Syria, which denied sending Scuds, is Iran’s strongest ally in the Arab
world.
Is Middle East war inevitable?
By Volker Perthes
Published on July 30, 2010
Cyprus Mail
http://www.cyprus-mail.com/opinions/middle-east-war-inevitable/20100730
FUAD SINIORA, Lebanon’s former prime minister, is a thoughtful man with deep
experience in Middle Eastern politics. So when he speaks of “trains with no
drivers that seem to be on a collision course,” as he recently did at a private
meeting in Berlin, interested parties should probably prepare for unwanted
developments. Of course, no one in the region is calling for war. But a pre-war
mood is growing.
Four factors, none of them new but each destabilizing on its own, are
compounding one another: lack of hope, dangerous governmental policies, a
regional power vacuum, and the absence of active external mediation.
It may be reassuring that most Palestinians and Israelis still favor a two-state
solution. It is less reassuring that most Israelis and a large majority of
Palestinians have lost hope that such a solution will ever materialize. Add to
this that by September, the partial settlement freeze, which Israel’s government
has accepted, will expire, and that the period set by the Arab League for the
so-called proximity talks between the Palestinians and Israelis, which have not
seriously begun, will also be over.
Serious direct negotiations are unlikely to begin without a freeze on settlement
building, which Israel’s Prime Minister Netanyahu is unlikely to announce or
implement, given resistance within his coalition government. Syria, which until
the end of 2008 was engaged in its own Turkish-mediated proximity talks with
Israel, does not expect a resumption of talks with Israel anytime soon. This may
be one reason why Syrian President Bashar al-Assad mentions war as an option, as
he recently did in Madrid.
Moreover, Israelis and people close to Hezbollah in Lebanon are talking about
“another round,” while many pundits in the Middle East believe that a limited
war could unblock a stagnant political situation. Their point of reference is
the 1973 war, which helped to bring about peace between Egypt and Israel. But
the wars that followed, and the latest wars in the region – the Lebanon war of
2006 and the Gaza war of December 2008/January 2009 – do not support this
reckless theory.
Iran, whose influence in the Levant is not so much the cause of unresolved
problems in the Middle East as the result of them, continues to defy the
imposition of new sanctions by the United Nations Security Council. Iranian
rulers have as little trust in the West as the West has in them, and they
continue to increase international suspicion by their words and actions.
Repeated calls by Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad about Israel’s eventual
disappearance play into the hands of those in Israel who argue that Iran’s
nuclear program must be ended militarily.
Some of the Middle East’s most important players are increasing the risks of
confrontation because they have either lost a proper feeling for their regional
and international environment, or seek to increase their own political power
through provocation and brinkmanship. Netanyahu’s short-sighted reluctance to
give up settlements and occupied territory threatens Israel’s long-term interest
to reach a fair settlement with the Palestinians. In its deadly assault on the
Gaza flotilla in May, Netanyahu’s government demonstrated a kind of political
autism in its inability to realize that even Israel’s best friends no longer
wish to accept the humanitarian consequences of the Gaza blockade.
In the Arab world, there is currently no dominant power able to project
stability beyond its own national borders. It will take time before Iraq will
play a regional role again. The Saudi reform agenda mainly concerns domestic
issues. Egypt’s political stagnation has reduced its regional influence. Qatar
over-estimates its own strength.
The only regional power in the Middle East today is Iran, but it is not a
stabilizing force. The Arab states are aware of this. Much as they dislike it,
they are also fearful of a war between Israel or the United States and Iran,
knowing that they would have little influence over events.
Indeed, intra-regional dynamics in the Middle East today are driven by three
states, none of which is Arab: Israel, Iran, and, increasingly, Turkey. In
recent years, Turkey tried to mediate between Israel and Syria, Israel and
Hamas, opposing factions in Lebanon, and lately between Iran and the five
permanent members of the UN Security Council plus Germany.
Turkey should continue to play this role. But the Turkish government has
increasingly allowed itself to be dragged into Middle East conflicts, rather
than functioning as an honest broker.
The Obama administration has had a strong start with respect to the Middle East.
But a year and a half after his inauguration, Obama’s “outstretched hand” to
Iran has turned into a fist, and his attempts to encourage Israeli-Palestinian
negotiations seem stuck. Domestic issues are likely to preoccupy Obama and his
team at least up until the mid-term elections this November, thus precluding
active diplomacy during the critical months ahead.
And the European Union? There has not been much active crisis-prevention
diplomacy from Brussels or from Europe’s national capitals. None of the leading
EU states’ foreign ministers seems even to have made an attempt to mediate
between Europe’s two closest Mediterranean partners, Israel and Turkey.
Twenty years ago, in the weeks that preceded Iraq’s invasion of Kuwait, many
observers saw signs of a looming crisis. But Arab and Western players somehow
managed to convince themselves that things would not get out of hand.
That crisis, and others before and since, showed that tensions in the Middle
East rarely dissolve with the passage of time. Sometimes they are resolved
through active diplomatic intervention by regional or international players. And
sometimes they are released violently.
**Volker Perthes is Chairman and Director of Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik,
the German Institute for International and Security Affairs, Berlin.
© Project Syndicate 2010
Key events in Lebanon-Syria ties since 2005
Key events in Lebanon-Syria ties since the 2005 assassination of five-times
premier Rafiq Hariri
AFP
Published: 11:29 July 30, 2010
Beirut: Key events in Lebanon-Syria ties since the 2005 assassination of
five-times premier Rafiq Hariri:
2005:
•February 14: Rafiq Hariri killed in Beirut bomb blast. The anti-Syrian
opposition accuses Damascus of ordering the killing, which it denies. The crisis
brings calls for the withdrawal of Syrian troops, and the last ones leave in
April.
•In May and June, parliamentary elections give a majority to anti-Syrian
coalition led by Hariri's son Saad.
2006:
•August: Syrian Foreign Minister Walid Muallem visits Beirut as much of Lebanon
is shattered by a devastating war between Israel and the Shiite militia
Hezbollah.
2007:
•June 10: The United Nations sets up a Special Tribunal for Lebanon to
investigate the Hariri assassination. The first reports conclude there is
evidence implicating Syrian and Lebanese intelligence services.
2008:
•May: Social unrest erupts, partly sparked by government efforts to curb a
Hezbollah telecommunications network. After around 100 people are killed in a
week of clashes, the main Lebanese factions meet in Doha and reach a political
accord, under which army leader Michel Sleiman is appointed president.
•July 11: A unity government is formed, with Fuad Siniora as premier.
•July 12: Meeting in Paris between Sleiman and his Syrian counterpart, Bashar
al-Assad. The two countries say they will soon open embassies in each other's
capitals.
•August 13-14: Sleiman visits Syria.
•October 15: Lebanon and Syria formally establish diplomatic relations for the
first time since they emerged as independent states after World War II.
2009:
•June 7: Lebanese parliamentary election is won by the outgoing anti-Syria
majority.
•October 8: Saudi King Abdullah and Syria's Assad meet in Damascus and call for
a unity government in Lebanon.
•November 9: Prime Minister Saad Hariri forms a government of national unity.
•December 19-20: First official visit to Damascus by Hariri, seeking
"privileged, sincere" ties with Syria.
2010:
•July 18: The two countries sign a string of cooperation accords during Hariri's
third visit as premier to Syria.
•July 22: Hezbollah chief Hassan Nasrallah says he expects members of his party
to be charged by the UN court probing the murder of Rafiq Hariri.
•July 29: Assad and Saudi King Abdullah due in Beirut for summit talks.
7. Report: Hizbullah Activist Behind Hariri Assassination
by Elad Benari/Arutz Sheva /An Israeli television report which aired on Thursday
said that a Hizbullah activist is responsible for the assassination of a former
Lebanese Prime Minister.The report that aired on Israel’s Channel 1 identified
Mustafa Badr Aldin as the prime suspect in the assassination of former Lebanese
Prime Minister Hariri. Hariri, who was known for opposing Syrian interference in
Lebanon, was assassinated on February 15, 2005 when explosives were detonated as
his motorcade drove past the St. George Hotel in Beirut. 22 additional people
were killed as a result of the explosion. Aldin who is suspected of being behind
the assassination is also the brother in-law of Hizbullah commander Imad
Mughniyeh who was killed in 2008 in a car-bomb attack in Damascus, while
reportedly in the midst of planning major terrorist attacks in moderate Arab
countries. Aldin’s name has been mentioned as a candidate to replace Mughniyeh
as Hezbollah's chief operations officer. The Channel 1 report stated that Aldin,
who is also known by the name "Elias Sa'ab", commanded the failed attempt to
assassinate Kuwait's ruler in 1985. Last Thursday it was published that
Hizbullah members are expected to face charges in the Hariri assassination.
Hizbullah head Hassan Nasrallah addressed this and blamed the United States and
Israel, saying the expected indictments were part of a Zionist and American plot
to push their Middle East agenda. He suggested that Israel was in fact behind
the assassination and said of the tribunal that looked into the Hariri killing:
“As long as it didn't focus on Israeli involvement, it's not an honest
tribunal.”
Hizbullah has several times denied that it is behind the Hariri assassination.
Last year, following an article in the German news weekly Der Spiegel that
charged Hizbullah with being behind the assassination, Hizbullah called the
report an Israeli-American conspiracy "aimed at sowing discord between
[Lebanon's] Sunnis and Shi'ites."
Thursday’s report on Channel 1 added that current Lebanese Prime Minister Saad
Hariri (Rafik's son) is pressuring the Special Tribunal for Lebanon not to
publish Aldin’s identity as a prime suspect in his father’s killing due to his
government's ties with Hizbullah, which is currently a part of Lebanon’s
coalition government.
Meanwhile, Syrian President Bashar Assad and Saudi King Abdullah will travel to
Beirut on Friday as part of the Saudi king’s tour of the Middle East. This will
be the Saudi king’s first visit to the country since 2002. Assad and Abdullah
are expected to meet President Michel Sleiman as well as PM Hariri and members
of his national unity government to discuss ways to maintain stability in
Lebanon.
Al-Qaeda Creating an Army in Yemen
by Maayana Miskin/Arutz Sheva
The heads of Al-Qaeda in Yemen claimed Thursday to be creating an army in the
country's south. In an audio recording posted online, terrorist commander
Mohammed Sayeed al-Omda said Al-Qaeda will soon have a fighting force of 12,000
soldiers based in the cities of Aden and Abyan. Omda issued a threat to continue
attacking Yemeni troops. “This is a message to the Yemeni government forces and
National security service: Our swords are ready and we are going to cleanse the
land,” he declared. Al-Qaeda has claimed responsibility for two fatal attacks on
government targets in Yemen since June, and is suspected of being behind an
additional two attacks in the same period. The international terrorist group
accuses the Yemeni government of joining with “crusaders” and killing Muslims in
the battle against insurgent groups.
Al-Qaeda poses a real and immediate threat to the Yemeni government, according
to United States Marine Corp General James Mattis, who is charged with heading
US forces in the region. At his nomination hearing Tuesday Mattis told the
Senate Armed Services Committee that Yemen has been pushed “to the breaking
point.”
Yemeni President Ali Abdallah Saleh has dealt with crises “through negotiation
and by co-opting his opponents,” Mattis said, adding “there are signs his
ability to exert control is waning.”
Mattis listed Yemen, Pakistan and Afghanistan as the locations from which come
the greatest threat from Al-Qaeda and its affiliate groups. The greatest threat
lies in tribal regions of Pakistan “as those are strategic footholds for
Al-Qaeda and its senior leaders,” he said.
Arab League Tries to Score Points for Abbas, 'Endorses' Talks
by Maayana Miskin/Arutz Sheva
On Thursday, the Arab League published a letter backing direct talks with
Israel, the first such negotiations since 2008, leaving the timing of the
proposed talks for PM Chairman Mahmoud Abbas to decide. Maainstream media such
as the Wall Street Journal, hailed this move, quoting U.S. officials who saw it
as a step up of "critical momentum" towards negotiations, in response to United
States Prsident Obama's pressure on the PA leader. Obama had begun demanding
that Abbas engage in direct talks following Israeli Prime Minister Netanyahu's
recent visit to Washington where the Israeli PM repeatedly declared willingness
for direct talks without any preconditions from Israel, thereby placing the ball
in the PA court.
The Arab League's missive, however, according to those who saw it, repeats the
preconditions set by Abbas that remain the stumbling block to negotiations, as
they predecide some of the PA desired outcomes of these very same negotiations:
a return to 1967 borders, an end to settlements, the return of refugees, this by
asking the US government to secure assurances that the demands are met before
talks can begin.
Abbas was quoted by the official Egyptian Maan News Agency as reiterating "When
I receive the demanded guarantees, which are the acceptance ofthe1967 borders
and an end to settlements...I will immediately enter negotiations", just before
the Arab League vote on Thursday.
Abbas has repeatedly demanded that Israeli completely freeze construction for
Jews in areas east of the 1949 armistice line, including north, south, and east
Jerusalem, and that Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu commit to creating a PA
state with borders based on the armistice line. Until those conditions are met,
Abbas has said, the PA will not negotiate.
Almost no notice was taken of another pre talks decision that the PA chairman
revealed, as he announced clearly that if a Palestinian Authority state is
created in Judea and Samaria, no Israeli citizen will be allowed to set foot
inside.The PA chairman also stated that he would block any Jewish soldiers from
serving with an international force stationed on PA-controlled land.
"I will never allow a single Israeli to live among us on Palestinian land,”
Abbas declared. Israel is home to a sizable proportion of Arab citizens, who
have the vote and are represented by Arab parties in the Knesset. De facto, both
Abbas and the League nixed the talks, but INN analysts viewed the publication of
the letter and discusiion of conditions as an attempt to throw the ball back
into Israel's court, while trying to gain empathy for Abbas.
In this vein, the WSJ reported that members of the PA delegation to the League
meeting considered denouncing Abbas for accepting the contents of the League's
letter but changed their minds. The newspaper quoted Arab leaders as saying tht
the Arab League endorsed the talks but left the timing and location up to Abbas,
which results in isolating him and pressuring him to start before he is ready..
"All the pressure is now on his shoulders," a person close to him was said to
have remarked sympathetically.
Arab League members also claimed they had received new support from United
States President Barack Obama. A recent letter from Obama to Abbas included
“guarantees,” according to League head Amr Moussa. He did not specify if the
alleged promises were the ones requested in the League's Thursday letter.
During the Arab League meeting, Abbas expouunded on why negotiations with the
previous Israeli administration, headed by then-Prime Minister Ehud Olmert,
failed to yield a peace deal. “We almost reached an agreement, and I agreed to a
land swap for 0.19% of the territory, while he suggested 6.5%. I refused, and we
did not reach an agreement,” he said.
The land swap idea is meant to allow Israeli population centers in Judea and
Samaria to remain in their current locations even in the case of an Israel-PA
peace deal.
Abbas also reiterated his support for the “right of return,” the demand by Arabs
who fled Israel during the War of Independence when their leaders promised them
a quick return after the Jews' annihilation, to come back to the country along
with the hundreds of thousands of children, grandchildren, and
great-grandchildren born since. That demand is the reason they remained in
squalid refugee camps as opposed to the larger number of Jewish refugees
expelled from Arab lands in 1948 who became productive citizens of the land of
Israel.
Abbas said he had discussed the “right of return” with Olmert, and had warned
that the issue was “very dangerous” and must be resolved “according to the Arab
initiative.”
More Sharia Law in Gaza: Hamas Crackdown on Mannequins
by Maayana Miskin//Arutz Sheva /Hamas continues to enforce its stringent
interpretation of Islamic law in Gaza. In its most recent ruling, the
organization has laid out a list of rules that must be followed by stores
selling women's clothing, according to AFP. Earlier in the month Hamas declared
that women and teenagers are no longer permitted to smoke hookahs in public.
According to new rules, women's clothing stores are not allowed to have dressing
rooms. Stores also cannot have tinted windows, and cannot have cameras inside
the shop. Any mannequins shaped like women must be dressed in modest clothing.
The new set of rules is aimed at maintaining “public morality,” Hamas spokesmen
said.
Hamas has taken other restrictive steps toward enforcing Islamic law (Sharia) in
Gaza. It has banned women from riding motorcycles, required men to wear shirts
while swimming in the sea, and has ordered female attorneys to wear a headscarf
while in court. The Islamic terrorist group may be spurred by the opposition it
faces from Salafi Muslim organizations, which claim to represent an estimated
11,000 residents of Gaza. Salafi extremists have accused Hamas of failing to
enforce Islamic law enough, and have carried out bombings targeting music
stores, Internet cafes, and even United Nations camps in which boys and girls
are allowed to mingle.