LCCC
ENGLISH DAILY NEWS BULLETIN
ِMay
14/2010
Bible Of the
Day
The Good News According to Mark 16/14-20
16:14 Afterward he was revealed to the eleven themselves as they sat at the
table, and he rebuked them for their unbelief and hardness of heart, because
they didn’t believe those who had seen him after he had risen. 16:15 He said to
them, “Go into all the world, and preach the Good News to the whole creation.
16:16 He who believes and is baptized will be saved; but he who disbelieves will
be condemned. 16:17 These signs will accompany those who believe: in my name
they will cast out demons; they will speak with new languages; 16:18 they will
take up serpents; and if they drink any deadly thing, it will in no way hurt
them; they will lay hands on the sick, and they will recover.” 16:19 So then the
Lord*, after he had spoken to them, was received up into heaven, and sat down at
the right hand of God. 16:20 They went out, and preached everywhere, the Lord
working with them, and confirming the word by the signs that followed. Amen.
Free Opinions, Releases, letters, Interviews & Special Reports
The Concerns of Lebanon's
Christians Are Not Parochial/By: Michael Young/May
13/10
The
end for America in the Middle East?/By
Michael Young/May 13/10
The unanswered questions of
Ketermaya/By: Ana Maria Luca/May 13/10
The Ethnic Cleansing of Assyrians
in Iraq Must Be Stopped/AINA/May
13/10
Accountability is key to reform/Daily
Star/May 13/10
Lebanon's failure to reform will not hurt EU ties - Laurent/By
Patrick Galey/May 13/10
Latest News Reports From Miscellaneous Sources for May 13/10
Judge
Riachi: Why Hasn't a Sentence Been
Issued in Bashir Gemayel's Case?/Naharnet
LF Students: We Received Threats
after Taking Down Nasrallah Pictures from LAU-Jbeil Campus/Naharnet
South Lebanon:
11 French Peacekeepers
Injured in Munitions Accident in Al-Tiri/Naharnet
Obama to meet with Lebanon's Hariri/AFP
Analysis: Syria handles scud row with eye on US/The
Associated Press
Syria must disclose its nuclear intentions in
case of Russia deal, US says/Ha'aretz
US wants high court to stay out of rendition case/Washington
Post
Israel to Syria: No plans to attack/Ha'aretz
Lieberman: Syria behind foiled 2009 attempt to smuggle weapons from North Korea/Ha'aretz
Iraq violence set to delay US troop withdrawal/The
Guardian
Israel says seized North Korean arms were for Hamas, Hezbollah/Reuters
Hariri denies support for Hezbollah Scuds/UPI.com
US gives $20 million to rebuild Lebanon refugee camp/AFP
Mikati: Centrism only way to
Mideast peace/Daily
Star
UNIFIL soldiers injured after blast
in south/Daily
Star
Court hands 31 Fatah al-Islam
members 15-year jail terms/AFP
Zghorta, Batroun set for electoral
battle, Sidon in limbo/Daily Star
Hassan: Government did not drop
privatization option/Daily
Star
Bahia
Hariri's Son, Osama Saad's Sister Likely Going Head-to-Head in Sidon Election
Battle/Naharnet
FPM Calls on Kataeb, LF to
Join Forces with it to Save Jezzine from 'External Control'/Naharnet
Arab Diplomat Involved in
Drug Smuggling Ring/Naharnet
Nahhas, Safadi Reject
Regulatory Authorities Limiting Role of Ministers/Naharnet
March 14 Hush Hush as
Budget Likely to Spur Heated Discussion in Cabinet/Naharnet
Gemayel: Region on Verge
of Explosion, Hizbullah Should Be More Humble/Naharnet
Hariri to Meet Obama amid
Tensions over Alleged Scud Deliveries to Hizbullah/Naharnet
Palestinian Detainee
Reportedly Wanted to Blow Himself Up in Hariri, US Embassy to Enter Paradise!/Naharnet
Amnesty to Israel: Stop
'Harassing' Activist Held on Suspicion of Spying for Hizbullah/Naharnet
4 Hurt in Machinegun
Attack on House of Newly Elected Member of Bekaa's Rawda Municipality/Naharnet
Moawad: Other Team Toppled
Consensus, We'll Be Strong in Zghorta's Battle/Naharnet
Drug Dealer Wanted on 387
Arrest Warrants Captured in Britel/Naharnet
Chase Ends in Crash in Tal
Abbas, 4 Wounded/Naharnet
U.S. Announces $20 Million
for Nahr al-Bared Camp Project/Naharnet
Israel
Scattering Military Equipment Amid Criticism Over Lack of Strategy to Face
Hizbullah
Naharnet/The Israeli army is scattering its "sensitive" military equipment
across the country as part of a new defense policy aimed at protecting the
military from rocket and missile attacks, the commander of the army's logistics
division said. Brig. Gen. Nissim Peretz told a conference at the Institute for
National Security Studies on Wednesday that in the past two years the Israeli
army has been examining the best way to protect its equipment in the event of an
attack. The equipment includes ammunitions, weapons, fuel, food, spare parts and
other gear meant to serve the army at a time of war. Peretz stated that
fortification wasn't the ultimate solution adding that scattering the stockpiles
in various locations in Israel is the best way to prevent the enemy from
targeting the equipment. "Our efficiency suffers slightly in such a state, since
not all means are in the same place, but they are better protected and enable
the force in the forefront to achieve its objectives without compromising its
means," he said. Meanwhile, Israeli Debkafile website said that high-ranking
officers leading this week's exercises in northern Israel confronted Prime
Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and chief of staff Lt. Gen. Gaby Ashkenazi with
harsh criticism over the lack of a clear government strategy for dealing with
the rising threat of Hizbullah and the alleged flow of advanced weaponry from
Syria to the Shiite party. Debkafile's military sources said the officers
accused the prime minister and chief of staff, who observed the drill, with
standing idle because they were over-anxious to "keep Israel's borders with
Syria and the Lebanese Hizbullah calm, whatever the cost."
Beirut, 13 May 10, 09:55
LF Students: We Received Threats after Taking Down Nasrallah Pictures from LAU-Jbeil
Campus
Naharnet/Students affiliated to the Lebanese Forces complained that they had
received threats after taking down pictures of Hizbullah chief Sayyed Hassan
Nasrallah that were posted on the Jbeil campus walls of the Lebanese American
Lebanese (LAU). LF said Hizbullah-affiliated students on Wednesday posted
Nasrallah pictures in the LAU campus's parking lot, causing tension among
undergraduates. It said Hizbullah students confronted fellow LF learners as they
tried to take down the posters. LF students said they had received threatening
phone calls from a number of Hizbullah and AMAL students at both LAU's Beirut
and Byblos campuses. They said security forces managed to quell the situation.
But Hizbullah students made a second try at posting Nasrallah pictures in the
same place. LF students waited a while before taking down the new posters.
Beirut, 13 May 10, 14:10
Riachi: Why Hasn't a Sentence Been Issued in Bashir Gemayel's Case?
Naharnet/Special Tribunal for Lebanon Vice-President Judge Ralph Riachy
criticized the Lebanese judiciary and wondered why the Judicial Council hadn't
issued any ruling in the case of President-elect Bashir Gemayel's assassination
in 1982. "We wouldn't have needed an international court in the first place" if
the Lebanese judicial system was flawless, Riachy told al-Akhbar newspaper in
remarks published Thursday. "They might say that (lack of a sentence) is due to
the non-presence of the accused. But I wonder why the culprits couldn't be
sentenced in absentia," he said about Gemayel's case.About accusations that the
STL is politicized, Riachy said: "What can we do to convince them that it
isn't?" Beirut, 13 May 10, 12:13
Gemayel: Region on Verge of Explosion, Hizbullah Should Be More Humble
Naharnet/Phalange Party leader Amin Gemayel said the region is on the verge of
explosion and urged Hizbullah to be more humble. "The regional situation is
either dragging us into a mess, and this means more trouble for Lebanon, or is
on the verge of an explosion, meaning Lebanon will not be spared," Gemayel said
in an interview published Friday by pan-Arab daily Al-Hayat. "We should
avoid igniting a regional war," Gemayel warned, pointing to three crises with an
impact on Lebanon – Israel's stubbornness and hostility towards Arabs and
Palestinians, the difficulty facing the new Iraqi regime against terror and the
Iranian nuclear issue. He called on Hizbullah to be "more humble" and to take
into account the concerns of the vast majority of Lebanese in terms of usage of
weapons. Gemayel said "some" aspects of the political leanings that emerged in
2005 no longer exist, pointing to Druze leader Walid Jumblat who quit the March
14 alliance and to dispute over Article 6 of the ministerial statement which is
related to Hizbullah arms and relations with Syria. Beirut, 13 May 10, 12:33
Amnesty to Israel: Stop 'Harassing' Activist Held on
Suspicion of Spying for Hizbullah
Naharnet/Amnesty International has urged Israeli authorities to end what it
called "harassment" of an Arab human rights activist held on suspicion of spying
for Hizbullah.
The non-governmental organization said Ameer Makhoul, an Arab citizen of Israel,
has been denied legal advice while in custody. "His arrest and continued
detention smacks of pure harassment, designed to hinder his human rights work,"
an Amnesty statement said. "If this is the case, we would regard him as a
prisoner of conscience (and) call for his immediate and unconditional release."
Makhoul was arrested last week by police and Shin Bet agents in a raid on his
home in the northern port city of Haifa. Another Israeli Arab man, Omar Sayeed,
also accused of spying for Hizbullah, was arrested on April 24 but news of the
two cases was blacked out by a court order that was lifted only on Monday.
Makhoul, whose brother Issa is a former Israeli Arab lawmaker, heads Ittijah
(the Union of Arab Community-Based Associations), a group that fights
discrimination against Israeli Arabs. "Ameer Makhoul is a key human rights
defender, well-known for his civil society activism on behalf of the Palestinian
citizens of Israel," said the statement from London-based Amnesty. Israel's 1.3
million Arab citizens are Palestinians who remained in the Jewish state after
the 1948 Middle East war that followed its creation and their
descendants.(AFP-Naharnet) Beirut, 13 May 10, 09:03
June 13 Set as By-election Date to Replace MP Alameddine
Naharnet/The interior ministry has set June 13 as the date for holding the
parliamentary by-election in the Minieh-Dinniyeh electorate after the death of
MP Hashem Alameddine two weeks ago. A decree calling on voters to take part in
electing an MP for the Sunni seat in Minieh-Dinniyeh has been published in the
official Gazette, the ministry announced in a statement Thursday. Alameddine,
Mustaqbal Bloc member, died on April 29 at the age of 70 after a battle with
illness. He was married to Lidia Alameddine and had a lone daughter,
Alana-Sofia.
He first ran for Minieh's Sunni seat in the 1992 parliamentary elections;
however, he lost the electoral battle that year. In 2005 he made it to the
Parliament after joining the Reconciliation and Reform electoral list. He was
re-elected in the 2009 parliamentary elections. Beirut, 13 May 10, 17:52
The unanswered questions of
Ketermaya
Ana Maria Luca, /By: Now Lebanon
May 13, 2010
“Nobody cares about that horrible murder; they are only judging the people for
killing the murderer,” says Zahra, a woman in her 40s whose green eyes match her
veil. She walks across the street toward the Ketermaya village cemetery, where
the bodies of Youssef and Kawthar Abu Merhi and their two young granddaughters,
Amina and Zeina, were buried on April 27 after being murdered in their home the
day before.
The sense of trauma is still palpable two weeks after the alleged murderer,
Mohammad Msallem, a 38-year-old Egyptian who worked as a butcher in town, was
lynched by enraged villagers during the victims’ funeral in full view of the
local police.
But unanswered questions remain, as Msallem’s family left the village right
after the slaying, and the police are not proceeding with an official
investigation into the quadruple murder.
Nobody really knows why the family was killed and why the suspect would have
done such a thing. “They barely knew each other. They only said ‘hi’ and that’s
it,” Zahra says of the victims and Msallem. “We can’t see why he could have done
this. We only found out he confessed to the police after being arrested.”
The evidence of Msallem’s guilt only came after the lynching, when the
authorities announced that his DNA matched the blood on a shirt found in his
house and that his fingerprints were found on a bloody knife. But according to
the Egyptian newspaper Al-Ahram, the results of the DNA test came out too soon
to be accurate, and Msallem’s fingerprints were on the knife because he used it
for his job at the butcher shop.
Minister of Justice Ibrahim Najjar announced after the lynching that the people
who killed the murder suspect would be prosecuted. However, the security forces
are having difficulty detaining the people identified from the shaky cell-phone
footage of the incident as the ones who played the main roles in the public
execution.
When the police arrived in town last Friday and took three suspects in for
questioning about the incident, the villagers left their shops, locked their
houses and took the streets to protest the action of the security forces.
“People felt solidarity. It wasn’t programmed, it just happened,” says Mohammad
Hajib Hassan, the temporary president of the Ketermaya municipal council. “The
negotiations had not finished,” he said of the talks between security personnel
and local officials to get the suspects to turn themselves in. “People were
angry that the security forces didn’t wait for the negotiations to finish,” he
explains.
Village officials are asking that in return for handing themselves in, the 10
people who are suspected of leading the lynching of the Egyptian butcher and
hanging his body from an electricity pole with a meat hook be granted plea
bargains.
The villagers say they are cooperating now with the security forces and that two
more suspects turned themselves in for questioning on Tuesday, a sign that the
negotiations are going well between the two sides.
Meanwhile, Ketermaya villagers all tell the same story about the murder.
Everyone NOW Lebanon spoke to denied knowing Mohammad Msallem personally; they
say they all avoided talking to him and that he always looked scary and dirty,
like a troublemaker or even a drug user. They say Msallem used to mutilate the
animal bodies in the butcher’s shop where he worked, though nobody seems to know
where exactly his former employer is located. But they all say they know for
certain that Msallem raped a 14-year-old girl a few months before he allegedly
committed the quadruple murder and that he was released by the police after
confessing.
However, Egyptian authorities quoted in Al-Ahram say that Msallem was never
arrested for committing the rape because there was never any evidence of sexual
assault on the girl after a forensic examination. Msallem’s neighbors in
Ketermaya tell NOW Lebanon the girl’s family lived in the same building as
Msallem and they don’t remember any animosities between the two families, even
after the incident. Al-Ahram also pointed out that the girl’s grandfather, Abu
Ali Zaarour, was murdered in the same manner as the Abu Merhis and their
granddaughters four years ago, before Msallem arrived in Ketermaya.
“We don’t really know much,” says an old woman who lives across the street from
Msallem’s old house. “We went there right after Rana [the mother] arrived home
and started asking around about her children. She came home, she saw that her
girls were not greeting her and went around asking people. Everybody started to
follow her so almost everybody was there when they found the bodies.”
The old woman says she is unhappy that the media focused on the lynching and not
on the murder. “It was horrible; the little girl was stabbed 27 times, the
grandmother was missing the nose and an ear and the grandfather an eye,” she
says covering her mouth in awe. “The children living on this street are scared
and still have trouble sleeping.”
*Nadine Elali contributed reporting to this article.
The Concerns of Lebanon's Christians Are Not
Parochial
By: Michael Young
http://www.aina.org/news/20100512194657.htm
With Lebanon's municipal elections underway, a significant question has emerged
after two Sundays of voting, one with deeper consequences for the country and
for sectarian relations. Namely, what does the future hold for Lebanese
Christians?
In the three major elections held during the past five years, the parliamentary
elections of 2005 and 2009 and the current municipal elections, the truly
competitive races took place in predominantly Christian areas. In mainly Shiite
constituencies Hizbollah easily prevailed, along with the weaker allied Amal
movement. While in majority Sunni districts the Future Movement led by Saad
Hariri held sway. Only the Christians, especially their largest sect, the
Maronites, escaped such unanimity through their political divisions.
In some respects this was laudable. For optimists, the Christians' pluralism was
a sign of political maturity, as was their ability to accept the election
processes as peaceful contests. There is some truth here. Historically, the
Christians, like Lebanon's other religious groups, known here as confessions,
have tended to gravitate around dual rival leaderships. Christians still do so,
while Lebanon's Muslim communities in the past decade and a half, and longer in
some cases, have come to be dominated by a single party or individual.
However, the optimistic reading of the Christians' destiny fails to take into
consideration underlying dynamics that threaten the community's status as a
central participant in Lebanese political life.
For starters, there are demographics. Christians today represent anywhere
between a quarter and a third of Lebanon's population (no census has been taken
since 1932), after having been a majority in the pre-Independence and immediate
post-Independence period. In 1989, the Taif Accord established parity between
Christians and Muslims in parliament, after decades when Christians held a
6-to-5 majority. This was later integrated into the constitution as one of a
series of amendments that diminished Christian political clout. Most prominent,
the executive powers of the president of the republic, traditionally a Maronite,
were distributed collectively to the council of ministers, led by a Sunni prime
minister.
Christian-Muslim legislative parity, though Christians make up less than half
the population, continues to be respected by Muslims. Indeed, in the recent
municipal elections in Beirut, Mr Hariri sponsored a list of candidates, half of
whom were Christian. Unlike parliament, municipal councils are not divided along
religious lines.
However, the decision was a sign of a deeper problem. If parity is increasingly
regarded as a favour to be granted by Muslims, then it could just as easily, and
legitimately, be challenged once the Muslims decide that the political breakdown
no longer reflects reality. It is here that Christians, particularly the
Maronites, have failed to prepare themselves for such an alternative. And to do
so essentially requires that they overhaul their decades-old outlook when it
comes to Lebanon and their aspirations in it.
Taif outlined a process of political deconfessionalism, whereby Lebanon would
gradually reduce or eliminate the apportionment of political and administrative
posts according to religion. The process never got off the ground, for myriad
reasons. The most compelling, however, was that deconfessionalising the system
would create panic among Christians by denying them the protection of parity,
taking away from them reserved government posts, above all the presidency,
therefore formalising their minority status.
Yet for Christians to cling to this unnatural situation through fear is
potentially dangerous. It is better for them to seize the initiative of change,
shaping outcomes in their favour, rather than have change imposed on them one
day if Sunnis and Shiites agree to reduce Christian power. The Taif process
allows for manageable change, including the formation of a senate to decide on
vital national issues that would maintain Christian-Muslim parity. A system
allowing communities to rotate senior government posts between themselves is
also feasible, and could further reassure Christians.
In other words, where there is consensual change, there will also be a
willingness by all sides, particularly the Muslims, to compromise. Yet the
Christians have shown little willingness to address deconfessionalisation, and
their leaders have been reluctant to initiate communal discussion on the topic.
Which brings us to the psychological advantages of accepting a system that
reduces or does away with sectarian quotas. For as long as Christians cannot
transcend the fact that they are losing power, they will be unable to reinvent
themselves in a new Lebanon. Their focus on preserving elusive prerogatives has
prevented them from admitting to the dwindling advantages of these prerogatives.
What they need is to define a new role for themselves, in a country where
Muslims still remain amenable to facilitating this transformation.
This is no easy feat. The presence of an armed Hizbollah makes any new
negotiation on power-sharing difficult today, especially between Sunnis and
Shiites. Christians in particular are passing through a period of hardening
dejection, exacerbated by destructive political rifts. Their saga of decline is
undermining the confidence of their youths, whose first reflex is to emigrate.
Christian churches, often pillars of the community educationally, but also
socially and even politically, are in need of profound reform. Christian leaders
are by and large obsessed with parochial calculations, and thoroughly incapable
of fashioning a new vision for their coreligionists.
And yet the Christians have much to offer. Among both Sunnis and Shiites you
will hear warnings of the imbalances in the political and social system if
Christians were to collapse into irrelevance. Christians played an essential
function in the creation of modern Lebanon, and for better or worse the system's
DNA has been affected as much by their cultural, social and political reflexes
as by that of the other communities, if not more so. Lebanon's Christians remain
important, but they seem to be the last to realise it.
By Michael Young
www.thenational.ae
**Michael Young is the opinion editor of the Daily Star newspaper in Beirut. His
book, The Ghosts of Martyrs Square: An Eyewitness Account of Lebanon's Life
Struggle (Simon & Schuster), has just been published.
© 2010, Assyrian International News Agency. All Rights Reserved. Terms of Use.
The end for America in the
Middle East?
By Michael Young
Daily Star/Thursday, May 13, 2010
Overstatement in the service of truth is no vice, some might say. But where is
truth, or indeed overstatement, in the observation that we may be witnessing the
beginning of the end of America’s 60-year domination of the Middle East, unless
the Obama administration reverses its policies? Alarmingly, no one has any
answers.
The notion sounds absurd. America lose the power that it has managed to retain
for as long as most of us have been alive? Perhaps it is absurd. But consider
this: given President Barack Obama’s lack of a coherent strategy for the region,
everywhere we see deepening vulnerabilities, when not a conscious decision by
Washington to downgrade its ambitions in the face of more dynamic regional
actors. These actors have shortcomings of their own, but they appear to be
better prepared to deal with the consequences than the United States.
And let’s add one more item to the bleak mix: Washington’s listlessness actually
increases the chances that it will enter into a war with Iran, which Obama has
been so understandably keen to avoid.
The Arab state system may well be caught up in a phase of terminal
deterioration. Most Arab regimes are old and have lost much legitimacy by
consolidating their authoritarianism while offering their younger, expanding
populations little in the way of consensual social contracts, useful educational
opportunities, and better living conditions. Stalemate prevails, and the onetime
sway of leading Arab states has devolved to non-Arab states on the region’s
periphery: Turkey, Israel and Iran.
This has had negative consequences for the United States, whose political
preeminence in the region rested on the old Arab order. Longstanding American
allies such as Saudi Arabia, Egypt and Jordan are weaker than ever before. At
the same time, the Obama administration is in the throes of psychological
retrenchment over the Middle East, the result of myriad factors, above all a
sense that the US cannot financially afford the vast empire it once controlled.
Looking at American policy, what do we see today? For starters, we see an Iran
actively challenging America in the region. This may look like hubris, but the
Iranians see little that is worrisome. Take Iraq, which the US fought long and
hard over and ultimately stabilized after the spectacular blunders of the
immediate postwar years in 2003-2005. Today, Obama’s stubborn priority is to
withdraw, effectively denying Washington the primary terrain needed to contain
Iran, but also to exercise its power over Syria and to an extent Saudi Arabia.
Iraq’s election results provided an opportunity for the Obama administration.
Iran’s closest allies lost ground, in contrast to the blocs led by Ayad Allawi
and Nouri al-Maliki. Instead of trying to impose some compromise between the two
men that could have created the basis of a more stable Sunni-Shiite order,
therefore of a new strategic relationship between Washington and Baghdad, Obama
did nothing. Iran saw an opening and is now helping establish a Shiite-led
government that will doubtless favor Iranian interests.
Washington’s refusal to develop a strategic relationship with Iraq to hold back
Iran, means the US will have to rely, instead, on the frail Gulf states to push
back against the Islamic Republic. Not surprisingly, Iran sees very few serious
obstacles coming from its Gulf Arab neighbors. And these would dissipate
completely if Tehran were to acquire nuclear weapons. Iran has the added ability
in places such as Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, and Kuwait, but also in Yemen, of being
able to mobilize members of disgruntled Shiite minorities.
The impact of a Palestinian-Israeli settlement on the Gulf and Iraq, the
critical playing field in the American-Iranian rivalry, would be relatively
limited. The Palestinians have been a tool used by Iran, as has Lebanon, to
protect its core objective: building up its supremacy in the Gulf. Iran’s
priority is to progressively undermine America in the Middle East, with other
regional tensions, in themselves of less immediate importance to Tehran, feeding
into this. Hizbullah and Hamas act as useful shock absorbers for Iran while it
develops a nuclear capability, the cornerstone of its bid for regional hegemony.
Which brings us to the shipwreck that is Afghanistan. Obama has locked himself
into an impossible situation there. The president has set a deadline for the
start of a withdrawal from the country in July 2011, and if he fails to win the
midterm elections next November, which is probable, we can be sure that he will
begin implementing his pullout before the next presidential election, unless
there is a dramatic improvement in American fortunes. Until now the signs are
not good. Washington finds itself fighting the Taliban while striving to find
common ground between the conflicting objectives of its two major (and
mistrusted) allies in the Afghan war, President Hamid Karzai and Pakistan. Add
to that that Pakistan has no real desire to see the US succeed, preferring to
reassert its own authority in Kabul.
This is excellent news for Iran. An Obama administration trapped in the
tentacles of Afghanistan makes more likely American retreats in the Middle East.
And if Barack Obama decides next year that it is time to wind down his Afghan
adventure, the implications for America’s view of itself, and the world’s view
of America, could be dramatic, particularly if Iran uses that opening to
finalize a nuclear weapon. Obama will have presided over two major military
withdrawals while allowing Iran to become a major adversary in the Middle East.
But there is another possible scenario. Obama may realize that he’s been
cornered by Tehran, and resort to the one thing he can still call upon with some
sense of superiority, military power. Having stood down in Iraq, Afghanistan,
Lebanon, and in all probability on the Palestinian track; having seen his major
allies becoming steadily more marginal; having seen all this, the president may
finally decide that enough is enough, and go to war. Whatever happens, Obama’s
bad choices today are pushing him in the direction he most dreads.
**Michael Young is opinion editor of THE DAILY STAR. His “The Ghosts of Martyrs
Square: An Eyewitness Account of Lebanon’s Life Struggle” (Simon & Schuster) has
just been published.
Jordan Launches Campaign: 'No Zionist Enemy Products'
by Hillel Fendel/Arutz Sheva
It's not only the Palestinian Authority, and it's not only against the Jewish
communities in Judea and Samaria. Jordan, too, has quasi-officially announced a
boycott on all Israeli-made products.
Doron Paskin, head of research at Info-Prod Research, reports for Calcalist that
the campaign is headed by Jordan's trade unions, whose leaders held a press
conference on Monday to announce the boycott. Dr. Ahmed Armouti, chairman of the
Trade Unions Organization, said that the campaign was conceived to mark 62 years
since what Arabs call the Naqba [Catastrophe], otherwise known as Israel's
independence.
In addition to the dissemination of lists of Israeli-made products so that
simple Jordanians can know what not to buy, a mass burning will be held this
Saturday. Fruits and vegetables from Israel will be collected from the market in
Jordan's capital Amman and will be publicly burnt. The event is being organized
by a body called the Committee to Make War on Normalization [with Israel].
Two of the largest traders in the Amman market have already announced their
intention to stop buying from Israel, Paskin reports.
It was explained at the press conference that the boycott violates no Jordanian
laws.
Jordan and Israel have officially been at peace since they signed a peace treaty
in 1994. Prior to that, Jordan warred with Israel in 1948, launched many
fedayeen (terrorist) attacks in the following years, and then attacked Israel in
the Six-Day War in 1967 – when it lost Jerusalem, Judea and Samaria to Israel.
Jordan sat out the Yom Kippur War, and friendly ties ultimately developed
between its leader King Hussein and Israeli governments. Hussein died five years
after signing the peace treaty with Yitzchak Rabin in 1994. His son and
successor, Abdullah is not enthusiastic about the peace with Israel; he told The
Wall Street Journal last month that Jordan was better off economically before it
made peace with Israel.
PA Continues its Boycott Efforts
At the same time, the Palestinian Authority is continuing its campaign to
boycott Israeli-made goods from Judea and Samaria – in violation of the Oslo
Agreement. In addition, it has added all Israeli-made goods to its list of
"products to be avoided." A gathering was held in a Ramallah suburb this past
week honoring volunteers who raise awareness in the PA public regarding the
"importance" of spurning the Israeli-made goods. High school and college
students are being trained throughout the PA-controlled areas to engage in such
activities.
Canada Expresses Concern over Egypt’s Extension of
Emergency Law
http://www.international.gc.ca/media/aff/news-communiques/2010/160.aspx
(No. 160 – May 12, 2010 – 10:45 a.m. ET) The Honourable Lawrence Cannon,
Minister of Foreign Affairs, today issued the following statement expressing
concern over Egypt’s extension of its emergency law:
“Canada regrets the Government of Egypt’s announcement of plans to extend its
emergency law until May 31, 2012. Canada views the ongoing state of emergency as
an obstacle to the full respect of human rights and the rule of law in Egypt.
“Canada recognizes that Egypt has introduced limits to the application of the
emergency law. However, Canada believes that Egypt should fully honour its
commitment to lift the state of emergency, a pledge it recently reiterated at
the Human Rights Council in Geneva.
“Canada continues to call for the respect of freedom, democracy, human rights
and the rule of law.”
- 30 -
For further information, media representatives may contact:
Ève Cardinal
Press Secretary
Office of the Minister of Foreign Affairs
613-995-1851
Foreign Affairs Media Relations Office
Foreign Affairs and International Trade Canada
613-995-1874
The Ethnic Cleansing of Assyrians in Iraq Must Be Stopped
GMT 5-13-2010
Assyrian International News Agency
(AINA) -- Over half of the 1.4 million Christians who lived in Iraq before the
2003 invasion have fled the country. If they could, most of the others would
have departed as well if some nation was ready to take them in. Nearly every
human rights organization and numerous parliaments are in agreement that an
ethnic and religious cleansing has been underway in Iraq (report). Non-Muslims
are not welcome any longer in large segments of the country. Kidnappings, rapes
and executions are daily occurrences for the non-Muslims of Iraq. Sixty churches
have been bombed, sometimes systematically on the very same day in different
places in the country.
One of the worst attacks happened on May 2nd. A busload of Christian Assyrian
students was attacked between two checkpoints. In the place where they should
have been safest, two roadside bombs were detonated. The next morning I received
a video taken with a mobile telephone at one of the hospitals where the wounded
and injured students were being cared for (Watch video of victims at hospital).
In Sweden there are thousands of Assyrian Iraqis hidden from the authorities
because they have been rejected as refugees and are forbidden to remain in
Sweden. They are hunted down by the Swedish police. If they are arrested, they
are put in prison or in custody until the authorities have enough refugees to
fill a plane with which to fly them to Baghdad. They are dumped by the Swedish
police back to that very city where they can be slaughtered for their religion
or ethnicity.
During the past two years I have followed some thirty persons who have been
forcibly expelled. Nearly all of them have fled Iraq again. In the beginning of
last week one of the refugees I helped conceal informed me that "a pregnant
refugee woman looked for a hospital where she could give birth but the local
hospital refused to accept her. She desperately needed a caesarean and they
wanted her to pay SEK 50,000 (7,000 Dollars) which she did not have." Two days
later the organization Läkare i världen, (Médecins du Monde) in Sweden (which
helps refugees who are hiding) arranged medical care for this pregnant woman.
The woman's husband and I spoke about the consequences of the war in Iraq and
the Swedish authority's cynical treatment of those who have fled for their
lives. He showed me a photo of his brother and said "It made no difference how
much evidence that my brother presented to the Migrationsverket (The Migration
Board) and the Migrationsdomstolen (The Immigration Court): for example
threatening letters and a list of people who were to be executed. Despite all
this they sent him back. Shortly after he was dumped back in Baghdad he was
kidnapped by the very same Islamist group that he had described to the Migration
Board. The group later returned him as a corpse."
On Tuesday May 4th, I was at the Migration Board's main office in Norrköping.
Fredrik Beijer, the chief of staff at the Board, had called a group of activists
from the Swedish and Middle Eastern churches to a meeting. Among them was the
Bishop of the Eastern Assyrian Church, Mar Odisho Oraham, as well as the Swedish
priest Henrik Törnqvist. This was because the action group and I had collected
88 cases that concerned Christian Iraqis who had earlier been rejected. The
chief of staff of the Board wanted to examine these cases to find out if the
Board had made any errors in those that concerned Christians from Iraq. But he
claimed that he couldn't find any errors. "A number of them had remained in the
country (Iraq) after the threats began," Beijer claimed, among other things. I
replied that it is correct that they had fled from their homes to hide among
family and friends until they could find a smuggler who could help the leave
Iraq. In some cases, those who had hidden them had been exposed and were forced
flee in turn.
The four people who represented the Migration Board that Tuesday obstinately
claimed that "the people whose cases had been submitted had remained in the
geographic area (Iraq) after the risk had become apparent" -- playing with
words. The Board's head jurist, Mikael Ribbenvik, did concede that "as the
situation has improved with time, it has become much worse for minorities." But
it became obvious that this was of no help to those who are currently in hiding
to be permitted to remain in Sweden. The Board did not feel that their fears
were "well founded."
Not a single perpetrator, not a single terrorist who has kidnapped, raped or
killed a non-Muslim has been convicted in Iraq. The country now has a
constitution based on an interpretation of the Koran. During Saddam's regime
nearly all who applied for asylum to remain in Sweden received it. We knew that
he was certainly a brutal dictator and people needed protection from him. Now in
the midst of an ongoing genocide, minorities get rejected by the Swedish
Migration Board. Since it has become worse for non-Muslims in Iraq today, Sweden
cynically sends them back there. I cannot reconcile these facts.
The Board claims that there is no systematic persecution in Iraq. This despite
the fact that everyone else, among them the foremost experts in the world,
claims that it is ongoing. When I relate about persons who have been expelled
from Sweden and managed to flee to Syria and other bordering countries, where
they obtained refugee status from the UNHCR, this has no effect on the Swedish
decision makers. When I relate that I have taped the voice of a Swedish civil
servant working for the Board who has even encouraged Christian Iraqis to flee
again as soon as they have been arrived in Iraq, Mr. Beijer red-faced and said
"we are thankful that you informed us, it is unethical behavior which we want to
know about."
Several employees at the Migration Board, who have been forced to hold a
so-called returning interview with Christian Iraqis, feel ashamed. They are
aware that these people should not be expelled but instead be protected.
This is the way the interviews sound: "I know it will be difficult for you in
Iraq but I have to tell you the way it is. If you agree to be expelled to
northern Iraq where it is relatively safe we will not hand over your case to the
police. If not, the police will hunt you down, arrest you, keep you in custody,
force you on a plane and dump you in Baghdad. My advice is that you agree to do
this voluntarily, in which case you can receive 30,000 kr ($3,900) as a
resettlement fee. Take the money and flee to Syria." This is the conversation
that Beijer claims is unethical.
That I, an investigative journalist and author, should hide refugees would
certainly be considered unethical by Sweden's migration minister Tobias
Billström. He probably would have like to make the hiding of refugees illegal.
In that case I will accept the punishment. I am proud that I can help. I want to
continue to be proud of Sweden's reputation of being one of the most welcoming
countries for people who have fled to save their lives. I am ashamed about the
current "unethical situation." An unjust law is no law at all. As a reply to my
reaction to Beijer's statement about the Board employee whom he claims acted
unethically, he wrote to me the next day: "My reaction to your information
regarding what an employee of the Migration Board had said, only concerned that
I don't believe that it is the employee's duty to advise the person being
interviewed how they should act after a future return to their homeland. How
much one should like to do so, we cannot mix ourselves in the applicant's life
after they have departed our country."
No, but we can see to it that they are not sent back as long as there is a risk
that they will be killed. As I was writing this text I was interrupted by a
Christian Iraqi in hiding. He had just received a rejection by the court. Before
fleeing from Iraq his brother had been beheaded in front of his eyes; the
Islamists released him later so that he could tell other Christians of what had
happened. This is a man who witnessed something horrible, a man whose name is on
a death list, and a man that Sweden wants to send back.
Two Iraqi ministers have, in the media, asked that Sweden should stop sending
back persons that Iraq cannot protect. Why do we do this? It's not enough to say
that the law isn't adequate -- we must change it now.
To the international community I say: Protect the non-Muslims in Iraq before it
is too late. The majority of them are found in the northern part of the country,
in what is known as the Nineveh Plains. This must become a defended
protectorate. How many more must die? How many more have to be forced to flee.
The United States must take its responsibility. It behooves the EU and the UN to
take on this responsibility as well.
By Nuri Kino
Journalist and author Nuri Kino has been called by several human rights
organizations one of the leading experts on the consequences of the war in Iraq.
Kino has produced six radio documentaries on this subject, two TV documentaries,
written a book of reports on the plight of the refugees and in the fall he will
have a book published called "The Line in the Sand" that he has written together
with the American journalist David Kushner. He has also lectured about the war
at several universities and parliaments about the situation faced by non-Muslims
in Iraq.